• Here at the Faustus Institute for the Study of Terror (FISTer) we are very interested in the way that insurrections, insurgencies, rebellions and political resistance are depicted in popular media. There are many movies and TV shows in which political resistance plays a major role, with various degrees of realism and political sophistication. V for Vendetta, Fight Club, and the Joker are examples of movies that depict resistance to the established order as nihilistic and aimless, often centered around a single anonymous leader with an often incoherent but appealing message. In contrast in television shows like The Handmaid’s Tale the resistance is fragmented, confused and dissolute, individuals desperate to connect and find solidarity in a political system that prevents organization. Sometimes the movement is still forming or has small aims, as in the case of the Twelve Monkeys television show, and often an organized political movement is presented as antagonist, as in the case of the stevedores’ union in The Wire. Since usually the people who write, direct and act in these shows have no historical experience of or relationship to political movements of any kind, it is not surprising that many of these organizations are depicted with a fair degree of political naivete and with incoherent or inconsistent aims and methods. That’s not necessarily bad in itself, especially when our interest is the plot tension arising from the struggle rather than the struggle itself, but sometimes the movement is key to the story, and then I think it is of some value to understand what kind of movement it is, and what we can learn about our own society, the writers or the industry from the way it depicts them.

    Star Wars and The Expanse are examples of science fiction stories in which a resistance movement is fundamental to the story. Star Wars opens with the capture of a rebel vessel and the revelation that the main character is a rebel spy and a traitor, smuggling secret plans that will undermine the system that rules galactic society. All three of the first movies are about this rebellion’s struggles and ultimately its victory. The Expanse opens with one of the main characters, for whom we will ultimately feel some sympathy, torturing a member of a movement called the Outer Planets Alliance (OPA) that will ultimately play a key role and with which the lead characters will be loosely aligned. It’s instructive that in both the opening stanzas of The Expanse and the key Star Wars drama series about the rebellion itself, Andor, these resistance movements are openly described as terrorists and wreckers by their political opponents, and in both shows we are exposed to the daily work and inner life of the people who work for mainstream society to hunt down and destroy these movements. It is impossible to watch Andor or The Expanse without engaging directly with the heroism and ideology of these movements. So, let’s compare them! What is the political framework of these movements, and what does it tell us about the society in which they’re embedded and the society that developed these shows and wrote these protagonists?

    Star Wars and Bourgeois Revolution

    I am watching Andor now, and I have been struck immediately by the way in which the rebellion is organized and financed, and by the questions the show does not answer about what its goals are. The rebellion is run by a fabulously rich aristocrat in collaboration with a wealthy antiques dealer, both of whom are old enough to have been adults with political and economic power during the Republican era. Later in the show, as the action moves to the planet of Ghorman, this leadership clique seems to be expanding to include a local businessman and his children. These people use their money to organize local rebel activities, though it is made very clear almost from the beginning of the show that these rebels operate on a shoe string and are required to finance and supply their operations primarily through high-risk raids on Imperial supply depots. The leadership talks a lot about sacrifice, but they aren’t putting much of their own money into the struggle, and sometimes the disparity between the conditions of the mercenaries they pay (like Andor himself at the beginning of the show) and the committed cadres is openly commented on.

    I have spoken before about the intense inequality in the Star Wars universe, and how visible and widespread poverty and underdevelopment is in Andor itself. It is important to recognize that the widespread poverty of the Star Wars universe, which is also visible in the original movies, predates the ascension of the Empire itself, and is primarily a consequence of the Republic’s mismanagement of galactic resources. The people who were partly involved in the mismanagement of those resources – and perhaps, in the case of the antiques dealer, in looting the historical legacy of many of these underdeveloped communities – are now responsible for coordinating resistance against the Empire that has supplanted (but not notably oppressed) them.

    In addition to the legacy of poverty and inequality that is implicitly the responsibility of the now-extinct Republic, in Andor we are also provided with some evidence of how they treated inconvenient or troublesome communities within their polity. Cassian Andor was rescued by his adopted mother from a jungle planet just before Republican soldiers massacred his entire village. These events took place, it seems, just before the Empire formed. The crime for which this violence was enacted on Cassian’s family and everyone he ever knew was to have killed a Republican soldier in self defense, using poisoned darts against a man armed with a blaster. When Cassian’s mother Maarva rescues him she discusses the fate of his village in matter-of-fact terms with her partner, making clear to the viewer that the indiscriminate slaughter unleashed on Andor’s village was the norm in the Republic’s galaxy. This is a striking revelation, since this series of flashbacks tells us clearly that the Republic oversaw remote communities that lived in abject poverty, responded to any infractions by these communities with extreme violence, and saw the extirpation of these poverty-stricken hamlets as an unexceptional part of routine military activity. There is no reason to suppose, based on this story, that the Republic would have behaved any differently to the Empire if it were in possession of a Death Star. This undermines one of the fundamental differences between the Empire and the Republic that was pretty clearly implied in Episode IV: A New Hope, which seemed to suggest that the Empire had evil-doers like Grand Moff Tarkin and Darth Vader, and the Republic would not do the things that they did. Now we have to ask: would not? Or more simply, could not?

    In my review of The Rise and Fall of the Galactic Empire I noted that many of the political leaders of the Republic retained their positions of power, wealth and influence in the early years of the Empire, accepting the leadership and continuing business with few interruptions. In Andor we see that the Empire has begun to interfere in the rights of this class. Mon Mothma has been diverting money to charity (i.e. funding terorrism), and the Empire’s auditors are starting to crack down on the tax evasion and financial independence of her class. This is a central part of the story of both seasons of the show, with Mon Mothma resorting to liaisons with gangsters in order to cover up her financial irregularities. Indeed, by the middle of season 2 one could be forgiven for questioning whether she is committed to the rebellion at all, and is actually trying to extricate herself from her involvement with them as soon as attention turns towards her. And why wouldn’t she? She has a lot to lose from being associated with the rebellion, and her reasons for being involved in it seem paper thin.

    This is a fundamental problem with the rebellion. It is a top-down movement organized by partially disenfranchised nobles, who wish to restore their ancestral rights and privileges. There is no organic, grassroots movement to force change on the empire, because from the perspective of ordinary people very little has changed. We hear occasionally from people complaining about increased imperial attention, just wanting to be left alone, or intrusive security activities, but for much of the show the only real victims of the Empire appear to be certain aggrieved members of its ruling class. Even when the action shifts to the planet of Ghorman, where the Empire appears to be genuinely behaving very nastily, the primary voices of resistance are a wealthy businessman and his children, whose web-weaving business is threatened by Imperial overreach. It is very clear that this is a movement of the rich for the rich. It’s more 1688 England than 1917 Russia.

    If you doubted the bourgeois elements of this revolution, consider the two set pieces of season 1: A bank heist and a prison break. The bank heist (well, actually an armored car robbery, but whatever) is carefully organized and orchestrated by the rich leadership, who have prepared and “financed” (i.e. paid Cassian) a team on Aldhani, assisted by a turncoat within the regiment who is mostly disaffected because he was denied access to local pussy. They have prepared an escape route and a plan to disseminate the money, which – we are told – will be used to finance the rebellion. Although it seems later in the season that some of this money will be diverted to cover Mon Mothma’s costs, because the rich leadership do not seem to be willing to take much of a hit for the cause – unlike their foot soldiers, who complain about living on “worms and roots” while Andor is paid a small fortune.

    In contrast, later in the season Cassian Andor is sent to prison for classically ridiculous reasons. The prison is a masterclass in repression and human control. There is no rebel presence in this prison at all, no turncoats, no spies, nobody in any position of authority who has any connection to the rebellion at all. Not even a cleaner, a freighter pilot or a power engineer. There is no network of prison organizers, no rebel old hands who rule over their wing with an iron fist but make sure they use their position to radicalize the inmates. In fact it is unclear whether the rebel leadership even know of the existence of these prisons. As a result the prisoners have to organize their own breakout, which ultimately succeeds but leaves them forced to swim to safety on the mainland where they can be picked off one by one. In a sad ending to the story one of the main organizers has to stay behind, presumably to be caught and executed by the guards after a desperate last-ditch stand with the other remnants, because he cannot swim. Nobody is waiting to help them, there is no undersea railroad or smuggling network to hide and protect them. The entire system is less developed than Poland in world war 2. Although the prison is well designed and brutal this failure of the rebel leadership does not arise because the infiltration and undermining of the prison system is impossible, but because they didn’t care to try. It was certainly easy enough for them to find a mole in the top secret TIE fighter development system and to insert Cassian Andor as a fake test pilot so he could steal one. This lack of organization is completely inconsistent with any real life experience of ordinary prisons anywhere in history, except perhaps for the Nazi death camps. Prison organizing is a consistent, essential part of every resistance movement, and the only reason it would fail to take place in the prisons we see in Andor is that there is no organic grassroots uprising against the Empire. To the ordinary citizens of the galaxy nothing has changed, and nobody is actually interested in fighting to restore Princess Leia’s ancestral rights.

    We also see this in the few moments where we are exposed to anything resembling an ideological basis for the rebellion. Karis Nemik, one of the Aldhani heist crew, has written a manifesto and we occasionally get to hear some excerpts, as well as listen to his description of the rebel perspective. In this manifesto there is no mention of the economic difficulties that the ordinary population of the galaxy face, no discussion of the sharp inequalities, and no consistent underlying class, racial, species or national consciousness. There are only abstract concepts like freedom and independence, a “Don’t Tread on Me” politics of individual liberty. When people on affected planets complain about the Empire, or express their reasons for dissent, they almost never mention the grinding poverty of their ordinary lives, focusing instead on the intrusive security apparatus and the desire to be “left alone”. The bourgeois origins of this resistance movement, a manufactured rebellion that aims to restore the rights of ancestral land owners to dodge taxes, ignore all local and galactic law, and treat the citizens of their planets as peasants, does not allow any deeper political theorizing. On what ideological basis would the movement organize? How would it sell itself? Who would risk anything in a battle to restore the pre-eminent power and rights of a landed gentry who neglected their territories and sucked their people dry? It’s a revolution of land owners, for land owners, using stolen tax money that they use to pay anarchist dupes to commit acts of terrorism and banditry that have the express purpose of forcing the Imperial security state to overreach, until the people can stand it no longer and rise up against the Empire. It’s a movement that wants the people to choose between the lesser of two evils, by forcing the Empire to clearly establish itself as the greater evil. And the leadership salivate at the thought of every turning of the Imperial screw, which never puts pressure on them. This is why it took 17 years for the rebellion to finally establish itself as a meaningful presence with leadership and properly organized cadres on Yavin. No one wanted to join their aristocratic cause until Imperial repression had escalated sufficiently that the evils of the Republic were no longer comparable. Some cause!

    Stellar self-determination and liberation in the outer planets

    In contrast the OPA and the Belter cause are a clear example of an organic, widely-supported grassroots liberation movement. The Belters have a shared understanding of oppression and poverty that they directly relate to their economic conditions under the control of the inner planets, and express concrete political and economic goals related to these conditions. Although they use abstract overarching themes like liberty and independence, they seek these goals as a necessary precondition for achieving economic and political equality with the inner planets. This shared understanding manifests in the aesthetic of the stations and space ships we see in the television show, which are festooned with posters supporting political causes and smeared with the graffiti of the OPA. The struggle is present wherever we look in the belt.

    This direct relationship between their ideological goals and their economic conditions is also the reason why the Belter leadership is made up of workers and soldiers rather than aristocrats and industrialists. OPA representatives like Dawes (the stevedores’ union) and Johnson (a former soldier) take positions of importance in the industrial and transport networks that make up the outer planets’ economic base, and use them to steal resources like nuclear missiles and spaceships, rather than money. The heroes of the fiction are also ordinary people with ordinary jobs in transport and industry. Probably the most elite member of the crew of the Rocinante is James Holden, born on freehold land on an inner planet, but he is on the run from that life because he was conceived as a kind of elaborate form of tax evasion. The others are laborers, ship workers, or brothel guards. The environment of the outer planets is also not conducive to the involvement of inner planet elites in its politics, the most notable example of this being Julie Lao, who flees her rich family to work with the belters and dies a horrible death directly connected to her origins. This is a movement of the people and for the people, with leadership and footsoldiers alike recruited from among the people.

    Belter solidarity is also very clear, expressed in both their language (“beltalowda”) and their actions. Although Belter communities can be riddled with crime and poverty, there are heirarchies and gangsters and inequality, they have a shared identity and a shared sense of struggle. This sometimes manifests through violence against Inners (for example when refugees from the inner planets are spaced during evacuation), but also means that they are willing to sacrifice and fight for each other in ways that we do not see from the rebellion. The factions among the OPA do not turn on each other as the rebellion did on Luthen until they are confronted with a lunatic who threatens their humanity itself. They also don’t break easily under torture, as we see happen repeatedly to rebels in Andor, because they have greater loyalties than just their bonds to their immediate superiors or to the particular elite that recruited them.

    The Belter cause incorporates a lot of clear political elements from the “third worldist” struggles of the 20th century. It is a stellar version of a national self-determination movement, identifying political independence and sovereignty directly with the dire economic conditions of the places where Belters live. The OPA has much in common with the liberation movements of sub-Saharan Africa, the ANC and IRA, and shares with these movements much of their language, their aesthetic and their activities. Just as those 20th century movements were able to secure solidarity from across the colonial world, such as in the volunteers who fought for Zimbabwe or the popular support for sanctions on South Africa, so the OPA is able to draw support across the belt. The movement is everywhere, because the economic conditions under which it formed are ubiquitous to the outer planets.

    The corruption of the rebel cause

    George Lucas famously said that he envisioned the rebel cause as analogous with the People’s Army of North Vietnam, and in the original movies it was not difficult to see this analogy. There was no information about how long the Empire had lasted, the action did not take place across dozens of planets that were all mired in poverty, and it was easy to assume that the difficult conditions people faced were a consequence of the Empire’s neglect or cruel extractive policies. Even the name of the antagonist, “Empire”, suggested something imposed on the people of the planets we saw, although there was a little vague political background that contradcited this impression. By the time we get to Andor, however, it is no longer possible to believe this. In fact, Andor seems to imply that the Republic was responsible for just as much evil as the Empire, at least up until the development of the Death Star, through the origin stories of Cassian Andor and Saw Gerrera. Through the many products to come out of this franchise since Disney took it over we can see clearly the widespread poverty and inequality of the galaxy, and how it obviously precedes the Imperial era. By the time we get to the end of Andor whatever vision Lucas originally had for the rebellion as a kind of national liberation movement has been lost, and it has morphed into something much closer to the Glorious Revolution or the American Revolution.

    It makes sense that such a corruption of intent would come about, especially after the acquisition of the franchise by Disney. Americans have obviously come to identify themselves with the rebels, which have become a kind of cipher for the elite’s self-conception of America as a symbol of freedom and independence. But America is the actual bad guy, so it’s natural that the actual political motivations of the rebel cause and its leadership should slowly be watered down and denatured until it becomes just a group of gangsters rallying around a few vague principles, led by rich landowners and industrialists. What else could you possibly expect from an analogy to the USA? Like Harry Potter with its politics of colonial elitism, the more the setting is investigated, the clearer it becomes that the political force the protagonists are associated with is evil. It might not be the worst evil in the setting, but it is definitely evil. And in order for us, the viewer, to continue sympathizing with this society as its flaws are revealed, we need its politics to become increasingly abstract until ultimately somehow our heroes are rallying around empty slogans. And in turn, the writers have to find ways for believable, likable characters to support this society, until the rebel movement and its main agents are rendered politically vacuous. This problem is compounded if in the process of expanding the universe it has somehow come to be associated with our own national identity, as has happened to Star Wars.

    In contrast, nobody associates the Belters with a western national identity, and the parallels with exploited nations on the periphery is so continually obvious that appreciating the show requires some emotional distance. This gives the writers much more freedom and flexibility to elucidate a coherent political and ideological framework, and in the process also to develop more genuine, flawed and believable characters. This is why The Expanse gets to have characters like Camina Drummer and modern Star Wars does not, while classic Star Wars could at least have Han Solo. It’s difficult to have rich and complex characters in a setting that has been leeched of all moral content in order to prop up a social system we are supposed to believe is good, but which any degree of interrogation reveals clearly to be bad.

    It’s a shame, because the Star Wars setting is fun and the idea of rebelling against an Imperial system that overtook a previously wealthy and functioning galactic liberal order is both compelling on its own and offers obvious parallels with inter-war Germany. But unfortunately, once the Star Wars universe expands beyond the specific circumstances of Yavin, the Death Star, and the cute little romances that happen on the sidelines of the battle, it all unravels. As an allegory to modern-day America it works well, but only if we accept that the Republic was evil, and the rebellion is a failed project, just as any attempt to restore American “greatness” – whether Clinton-era Democrat or Reagan-era Republican – is a failed project. The world needs Belters, not Rebels!

  • Not quite Bali is it?

    I have been watching the Star Wars series Andor, which describes the radicalization and activism of Cassian Andor, the spy who was one of the main characters in Rogue One. It’s an excellent show, well written with a great plot and very enjoyable characters, and I’m thoroughly enjoying it. In addition to the (slightly milquetoast) tale of awakening and rebellion, the attempt to describe the inner lives of the Empire’s agents is intriguing, and the various schemes and plots are tense and exciting. I also appreciate the beauty of the settings, which really make me appreciate the breadth and diversity of the galaxy. Mina Rau’s farmlands are stunning, the peaks of Chandrila where the wedding takes place are beautiful, and even Ferrix has a kind of grim charm. However, the show really does bring attention to the enormous inequality of the Star Wars universe. What does it tell us about the Republic and about the motivations of the people working for the rebellion that the galaxy is so deeply (and in Ferrix’s case literally) enmired in the grimy reality of inequality?

    [TW: this post contains minor spoilers for the TV show]

    The grinding poverty of Andor’s world

    Over the course of one and a half seasons we see Andor living and working in Ferrix, Morlani, Aldhani, Niamos and Mina Rau. We also see Coruscant (where Senator Mon Mothma is based), and get occasional glimpses of a planet used for TIE fighter development and Mon Mothma’s homeworld, though we only see her estate. We also see various other aspects of the living circumstances of the spies, rebels and Imperial workers. Almost all of the planets where Andor and his comrades live and work are grindingly poor, undeveloped, and grim. For example:

    • Ferrix seems to be a world based around mining and brickmaking, and its people live in grinding poverty without even paved streets, and almost no local economy outside of these two industries. Everything is second hand, upcycled, grimy, and falling to ruin. The radio Bix uses to contact her (incredibly rich) rebel handler is barely functional, the local shipyard is essentially a scrapyard that repurposes derelict vessels, and even the droids are almost defunct. The flight in, the spaceport and the transfer process all reminded me of Cox’s Bazaar, the famous ship-breaking area of Bangladesh, but people in Bangladesh have nuclear power, a metro, TVs and cricket
    • Kenari, Andor’s home planet, is the galactic equivalent of a desert island occupied by some uncontacted tribes who live in abject poverty. The story of Andor’s rescue form Kenari tells us a lot about the Republic
    • Aldhani, where the rebels do their bank heist, is an undeveloped hinterland with no roads, where the only industry appears to be an extremely primitive form of shepherding and where the local citizens are superstitious and uneducated. The best real world equivalent for this place is 1940s Tibet
    • Mina Rau, which Andor’s comrades escape to, is a decrepit farming planet with huge fields of some kind of grain, which appears to have almost no industry outside of this single form of agriculture, has no paved roads to speak of, barely has radio communication, doesn’t seem to have TVs, has no air conditioning (or indeed any form of privacy in the communal dwellings where people live) and seems to also have very little water

    Almost all of the places where Andor lives and works function entirely on second hand, upcycled, recycled and multiply repatched hardware. Crucial systems that are essential to the basic economic and social stability of these communities are ancient, held together with duct tape and human will. These places are dirt poor.

    It’s not just the backwater planets where Andor hides, either. In his well-written but ultimately lame speech in the lowest levels of Coruscant, where Luthin tells his spy that he is risking as much as everyone else (spoiler: he isn’t!), we see hints of deep levels of poverty and inequality in the capital city, beneath the gleaming towers where the majority of the action happens. In Niamos, apparently a resort planet, everything is crumbling. Andor’s spaceship, which is overrun in the beginning of season 2, appears to have no toilet, no extra seats, no emergency food supplies of any kind, and essentially no mod cons. It’s basically the equivalent of a recycled Ford Fiesta from 1985 with the back seats ripped out and replaced with … nothing. Presumably to make it a bit more fuel efficient or something. This is a general property of many of the spaceships we see – they’re run down, have no facilities of any kind, and barely function.

    Almost every scene that takes place in this show outside of the homes and workplaces of Mon Mothma and Luthin is set against a backdrop of deep and grinding poverty.

    This is all the Republic’s fault

    The show is set 4-5 years before the battle of Yarvin, so by the time the events depicted in it take place the empire is about 20 – 25 years old, I think. It’s younger than Cassian Andor, and we know this because his mother rescued him from a planet where his entire community were exterminated by Republican troops, for the crime of having killed (in self-defense!) a single Republican soldier. The poverty and underdevelopment is not a recent phenomenon, however. The kind of infrastructural problems we see in Ferrix and Mina Rau are generational, and indeed many of the customs and ways of life that we witness are clearly much older than a generation. Cassian’s adoptive mother (who rescued him from being killed along with his entire community by Republican troops) was a daughter of Ferrix before the empire began, and this institution is clearly very old, as is the system of arranged marriages on Mon Mothma’s home planet and the religious practices (such as they are) of the people on Aldhani.

    This poverty that we witness in almost every scene of Andor has nothing to do with the Empire. It is the result of generations of abandonment and irresponsibility by the Republic, which has clearly neglected its citizens in a shocking way (when it isn’t exterminating them, as it did with Cassian Andor’s entire community!) The Empire merely inherited this network of crumbling, decaying planets with their teeming desperate poor. Depending on how you choose to interpret it, at the beginning of season 2 we even learn that the emperor is deeply concerned about the energy poverty of these outlying communities, and wants to solve the problem of energy independence permanently. Admittedly, his solution is a little barbaric, leading as it may to the destruction of an entire planet, but it is superficially a lot more than the Republic has ever concerned itself with. Energy poverty? Let them eat yellowcake!

    Why do people fight for this?

    Imagine you’re an ordinary citizen on Ferrix or Aldhani or Niamos, living in this crumbling, poorly-maintained settlement that doesn’t even have paved roads, surviving on decrepit, barely-functioning tech that you have to constantly repair and jury-rig because you can’t afford anything new, while overhead your Republican leaders fly by in their super-fancy ships to their gorgeous homes in the towers of Coruscant. Nothing has been done to repair or improve your village or town for generations, and then one day the Empire turns up and offers you a job as a stormtrooper, where you finally are able to eat warm food, live in a comfortable dormitory, get health care for your ailments, and send remittances back to your family to help them improve their situation. Maybe your monthly salary is helping to send your little sister to the local school, or enabling your Aunt and Uncle to upgrade their moisture farms and get some new droids.

    Now imagine that you’re contacted by a member of the landed gentry from Chandrila, through an extraordinarily well-dressed and pampered intermediary. She tells you that she wants you to betray your employer as part of a scheme to help this fantabulously rich woman steal the payroll of hundreds of thousands of ordinary people like you, to be diverted (she promises you!) to help fund a rebellion against the Empire which will, if it’s successful, restore the Ancien Regime that has overseen the galaxy and its grinding poverty for the past dozen or so centuries.

    Would you help her? Would you look at the development work that her and Princess Leia’s regime had done on your home planet – its unpaved roads, its pothole-filled runways on its barely-functioning spaceport, its unsafe factories and grimy hospitals that you can’t afford to use – and think yes, this is the way, I need to restore these grandees to power?

    Perhaps you would say no, for economic reasons. Then this rich landowner’s agent might remind you that the Empire does terrible things, that it kills people for no reason and imprisons them for tiny crimes. But you would have a vague memory of a kind woman snatching you up and taking you away from your home planet just before Republican troops descended on it to murder everyone you had ever known. Would you think, yes, justice demands that I overthrow this terrible regime and restore the government that massacred my whole village?

    Or would you say sure, Miss Money Bags (or is that Duchess Money bags?), sure, I’ll work for you, and then immediately go to your local Imperial Security Bureau office and tell them that yes, you’ve got some important information about a traitor and a rebel spy, which you’ll hand over to them provided you get to be the one who pulls the lever on execution day?

    Why would any normal, ordinary person work for the Rebellion? What does it offer them? What part of its restored grandeur will be shared with the common people? What was the Republic’s purpose, except to maintain a small number of extremely rich people in positions of absolute power over a hundred billion desperate, poverty-stricken and ignorant people?

    Why would you risk anything for these people?

  • There is an apocryphal story about Chinese government censorship, which holds that the ending of Fight Club was changed in the Chinese cinematic release. The story goes that the censor didn’t remove the final nihilistic ending, but added an epilogue before the credits to the effect that “then the police moved in and caught everyone involved in these crimes.” In this version of censorship the audience still gets to enjoy their destructive, purposeless attack on the emblems of the status quo, but we are reassured that the government will catch you if you do this sort of thing, with the obvious subtext that the main character’s entire schizophrenic mission failed, and the government survived his obnoxious freakout.

    I don’t know if this story is true or not but I was reminded of it as I struggled to the fun but disappointing ending of the television show The Mentalist. There was potential for this show to be a genuinely trenchant critique of the carceral state in the USA, but something happened in the middle of season 6, so that by the end of that season my wife asked me, not entirely rhetorically, “did somebody get to the director?” This becomes even more obvious in season 7, when the entire cast essentially do a backflip on everything they have stood for over the past 6 seasons, and we discover that actually everything is fine and dandy in modern America and you only have yourself to blame if the police kill you.

    The Mentalist’s grand conspiracy

    [Warning: Spoilers!]

    If you haven’t watched this show I recommend that you do so, and don’t read further. If you don’t plan to, or you’ve already seen it, let’s recap the basic premise. Patrick Jane is a fake psychic and carnival trickster who has made a lot of money bilking rich women out of their money by pretending to be a medium, but his life crashes out when a serial killer called Red John murders his wife and daughter. He somehow manages to convince the California governor to let him be a “consultant” on murder investigations with the state Criminal Bureau of Investigation (CBI) who are the good guys in this story who stand somewhere between the FBI and municipal police, taking on cases the latter can’t handle and the former can’t touch[1]. He acts like he’s simply a bored, clever guy helping the police, but his sole motive is to get involved in the Red John case, find Red John, and kill him. In most other ways the show is a typical police procedural, and we get the usual inter-office romance, corrupt DEA agents, everyone hates the FBI when they swoop in and take over cases, the FBI are all arseholes and the local cops are all dumb, the usual stuff.

    Patrick Jane (the titular mentalist) is an annoying, silly guy, but his methods are fun and he’s a cheerful kind of dude, so it’s enjoyable watching him use dumb-arse psychological tricks, legedermain and smoke and mirrors to flush out murderers. It gets a bit tired after five seasons obviously but it’s fun, his colleagues at the CBI are generally fun (though Lisbon, his “boss”, can be a bit tiresome). Every season there are 2 or 3 episodes that get us closer to the serial killer Red John, and part of the conceit here is that Patrick Jane is super clever and devious, but Red John is strangely always one step ahead of him.

    We find out why this is from about season 4, when we start to notice two compelling details about Red John’s work:

    • He has people within the CBI and at least one district attorney helping him
    • He seems to be running a cult of serial killers

    The latter is particularly noticeable in seasons 3-4, where we regularly find that other serial killers are either directly or indirectly working for him, they all know of him, and they’re terrified of him. They also seem to be fanatically loyal to him, so that even when they have nothing to lose by helping Patrick Jane and a lot to gain, they’d rather kill themselves.

    Tracking Red John becomes harder as the seasons pass and it becomes clear that he is spying on them through contacts in the CBI. The ring of people we begin to realize are working for him expands, to include local police, sheriffs[3], the FBI and, by the time we get to season 6, we learn that he has judges and senators in his pocket, as well as the CIA, NSA and DEA. In fact his network is so deep and powerful that he is able to force one of them to get engaged to Patrick Jane’s colleague Grace Van Pelt[4], and she is forced to put her own boyfriend down like a dog when they find out the truth.

    These things combined lead us to suspect that Red John is very powerful, and it seems most likely that he is the leader of a cult called Visualize that is obviously modeled on the Scientologists. I guess some pressure got put on the producers or whatever because despite the obvious recurring blazing hints dropped all through seasons 2-5, he ends up being one of the good guys, and Red John turns out to be a simple, ordinary cop. By the time we learn Red John’s identity we discover that his network of crooked cops has a name (the Organization), has its tentacles all through every major bureau of law enforcement at every level, as well as politicians, and is fanatically loyal. Just like the serial killers, these cops who work for him will kill anyone, do anything, and kill themselves rather than let Red John down. This forces Patrick to use all his wits and trickery to slowly unmask Red John until eventually he finds him and kills him.

    Undermining the conspiracy

    Red John’s first killings appeared to happen 20 or 30 years earlier, on a farm belonging to Visualize, and his connections all through CIA, FBI, NSA, DEA, CBI, LAPD and the Sheriff’s office really made me think that he must be part of a government conspiracy. I was sure he was going to turn out to be an MK Ultra experiment gone wrong, someone who was genuinely super-intelligent and psychopathic and also very connected, perhaps using the secrets he had learnt through years of involvement with these agencies to play them against themselves. Perhaps the need to cover up the original experiments prevented the federal agencies from moving on him. Even when he was about to die another member of his organization, probably not a cop and possibly a priest, turned up to try and kill Patrick, giving Red John one last chance. In the lead up to the showdown we also saw obvious signs of the enduring power of this network he seemed to be at the center of: when someone from the FBI started asking questions they were killed, Patrick and his colleagues found a USB stick with an encrypted list, someone in the CBI was clearly feeding Red John information about their actions even after his identity had been revealed, and often their attempts to get subpoenas or search warrants are undermined by judges clearly working for Red John.

    But then it all falls apart. The first clue that it isn’t going to go anywhere is the identity of Red John, who is clearly just not powerful enough or connected enough to make it all work. The second is his behavior when he dies, which can best be described as pathetic cowardice rather than the demise of a much-vaunted, devious psychopathic killer with 30 years’ history of satisfying killings. But the third, biggest clue is that he is found out, caught and killed in the middle of season 6, which is just weird. We have half a season still to go, and the entire point and purpose of this entire show is over. And then we have another season to follow! One and a half seasons left over, with no purpose. The obvious thing that should happen now, then, is the unraveling of Red John’s network. How did he form this cult of serial killers? What did he do to set up the organization of cops? How far does it reach? Remember we have the usb stick with the list, we have the sure knowledge of a spy in CBI, clues from the final mad pursuit, a woman on the run who appeared out of nowhere near the end and probably isn’t a cop, and of course whatever documentation and mementoes Red John kept. Lots of time to track down his organization and find out who he was, where he came from, and how deep the roots of his sinister organization reach into the American security state. We even know that the members of Red John’s organization have a secret tattoo – and they don’t we know! Great!

    But what actually happens? CBI is disbanded by an FBI agent, who they never trick into getting naked so they can check for tattoos, and the next episode is two years later, with Patrick Jane lying low in Mexico. And then he gets recruited by the FBI. The FBI! Who he and all his colleagues spent six seasons complaining about! And who we were repeatedly led to believe are awful, mean cops who we should hate! And Patrick Jane agrees to join them, so then you think great! He’s going to find out who was working for Red John. Only he doesn’t. He and the rest of his former colleagues join the FBI, and then they spent the next 1.5 seasons solving cases for the FBI, which invariably involve busting really bad people doing really bad things, and helping the community, and being good for American national security.

    At one point Jane threatens his FBI boss with the list that they got off the USB stick, but then we learn that they were never able to decrypt the list, and he gave a fake redacted list as a kind of bluff. And then we never again hear about this massive organization of deeply criminal cops that stretched from the local traffic police all the way up to the CIA and the NSA and included “senators and judges”. Nothing ever comes of it. It’s like we stepped sideways into a parallel universe where there are no corrupt cops and everyone is doing their best to protect the public and the nation, using all the intrusive surveillance tools and violence of the security state only for good ends. Where previously we were watching what seemed like the only five good cops in California doing their best to unravel an enormous conspiracy to protect a serial killer cult, now we have only the pure best intentions of the thin blue line that protects ordinary Americans from evil foreign criminal gangs[5].

    It’s an incredible, obvious, and treacherous shift from a really interesting show that was uncovering a deep rot in the bedrock of American society, to a fever dream of American nationalism and police honor.

    What happened?

    Unlike most police procedurals the Mentalist was heading towards something different, a genuine confrontation between the viewer’s understanding of what cops are there to do, and what they actually do. I think it was going to involve the Scientologists – one of the major spiritual guides of the entertainment industry – in the center of this horror show, manipulating serial killers and protecting itself and them through a vast conspiratorial misuse of state power. Working slowly in the guise of a classic, slightly comedic police procedural, it was building towards an enormous conspiracy theory of American corruption at the same time as it was becoming more and more popular. I think someone realized what was going on, and they really did get to the show runners. I think they were somehow forced to end season 6 early, changing the main bad guy and then being forced to walk back from their conspiracy theory by making the main characters embrace the people they’d hated for five seasons and work with them in a standard, nationalist gang-busting format. I can see no other explanation for the massive collapse of the carefully-built plot, and the mid-season ending followed by the 180 degree volte-face of all the main characters.

    That’s the situation we face now in modern entertainment. So let me make a prediction: it’s going to happen to Andor next. If modern American entertainment actually tries to lift up the rocks so we can see the squirming, evil things that lie underneath, it will get a directive from above. It might be a little subtler than the apocryphal Chinese addition to Fight Club, but not much, and for far more sinister ends.


    fn1: There is a lot of corruption involved in this, since every 4-6 episodes we get a murder case that they’ve been assigned because a rich person pressured the state government to put the CBI on the case in contravention of its legislated authority[2]

    fn2: But that’s the least of it, really; even aside from the primary conspiracy theory, petty corruption is widespread and unremarked upon in this show, as is the case in most modern cop shows, which don’t seem to have any sense of where the responsibilities of cops start and where their authority ends. Almost every episode, for example, they violently “arrest” an innocent person simply for running away from them (even though they’re in plain clothes with no visible badges, and nobody has heard of their bureau!), often before they’ve even announced themselves!

    fn3: WTF even are these guys?

    fn4: Not a bad assignment at all!

    fn5: Aside from one or two cases, and the cops themselves, almost all the major crime groups in this show are foreigners – “the Italians” or “the Mexicans” or “Russian mafia” (always they have to add “mafia” to “Russians”). And also, if a murder is not done as part of an organized conspiracy, about 80% of the time the murderer is a woman, which is a weird and stupid inversion of reality.

  • A short story of mine was just rejected by a SF/Fantasy magazine. Along with the usual form rejection I was lucky enough to receive some feedback, and one of their points was that my sentences are too long. Yes, they directly said that!

    I have always assumed that sentence length was a matter of style. Each person writes with their own cadence, which we change when we want things to be “lyrical” (e.g. supposedly certain types of fantasy) or to describe action (when our sentences should get shorter). But since this feedback came from an authority who reads lots of stories, it triggered me to investigate the relationship between sentence length, style, and the institutional diktats of modern publishing.

    Who is writing long sentences and short sentences? Is this stylistic feedback an idiosyncrasy of a single magazine or is it an industry-wide rule? What do classic authors do? I decided to investigate.

    The modern style of brevity
    I have been seeing author advice on social media (e.g. Reels, Threads) that recommends shorter sentences, removing “filler” words, using only direct, active language, and avoiding adverbs. Most of this advice at its most superficial level is just a helpful tool to avoid clutter, but in some cases sentence length seemed to be an end in itself. At the same time, most of those online writing-advisors seem like grifters, and a lot of instagram writing advice seems, ironically, to be AI-generated, so I haven’t ever put much stock in it. But then, getting rid of every unnecessary word was Orwell’s shtick, wasn’t it? Along with removing what he called flyblown cliches, and words that obscured meaning. Isn’t he a great writer, who we should listen to? But Orwell’s writing, while informative and politically powerful, is not generally considered especially stylistically powerful. So who else is pushing this idea in the modern literary world?

    A few google searches revealed that there is an entire movement in writing, primarily American, deriving from the “Iowa Writers workshop”, that insists on what one critic calls low attack surface writing, and which has also been credited with a simplistic, mechanistic writing style that is now widely represented in the kind of short stories published in magazines like The New Yorker. Some characteristics of this style seem to be an insistence on short sentences, absence of stylistic flourishes, and a focus on the simple facts of the telling. When this style appears in Instagram Reels giving advice for writers it seems to insist on a ruthless commitment to “showing”, not “telling”, to the point of recommending writing that is factually clear but emotionally vague, prioritizing descriptions with opaque meaning over simple explanations of what people are thinking or feeling.

    But are writers actually using short sentences? Is it a hallmark of better fiction? Would classic writers get published in the magazine that rejected my short story?

    Who uses long sentences?
    I investigated by digging up excerpts from famous or classic novels of different genres, by examining short story excerpts from some modern SF and Fantasy magazines, and by pulling a few arbitrary short stories from magazines I subscribe to. To analyze sentence length I counted the number of words in each excerpt, and used ctrl-F to count the number of full stops, exclamation marks and question marks. The word count divided by the punctuation count gives an approximate average sentence length. For books I used chapter 1 (except Tess of the D’Urbervilles, for which I arbitrarily used chapter 2). Here are the results, in words per sentence for each case.

    The story I had rejected was 19.0 words per sentence.

    Word counts in my selection vary widely, from 7.6 at the low end (Glen Cook!) to 25.2 at the high end (Ursula K. LeGuin!) My published story and my rejected story are well within the wide range of word counts in classic novels, but a little longer than the word counts of almost all modern magazines. It does appear that Ursula K. LeGuin, one of the greatest writers of the modern era, would struggle to get published in current magazines, and her prose style is well beyond the typical sentence length of modern literature, as was Thomas Hardy’s.

    I don’t know about you, but I don’t think Ursula LeGuin was doing anything wrong when she wrote A Wizard of Earthsea!

    There are a few other things to note about this list. First and most surprising was that Austen, who is generally seen as wordy, is not; but this could be because the chapter I selected was dialog-heavy, and dialog tends to be shorter than description. For example, the excerpt I took from The Riddlemaster of Hed has an average of 10.3 words per sentence, but the opening three sentences of description are all greater than 20 words long. The opening sentence of the book is 24 words long! Also I read a few people online (reddit and the like) saying that word counts are typically longer for fantasy novels because they’re more “lyrical” but I don’t get the sense that this is the case: Last Train to Gertrude Stein is much more wordy than The King Beyond the Gate.

    Do short sentences matter?
    I think it’s very difficult to write anything meaningful in 7 or 8 words, except some basic dialog. There is barely space in eight words for a sentence to carry meaningful information and be descriptive. I think that if we ruthlessly pare back our writing to meet a short-sentence standard we will necessarily limit our style, limit the information we convey, and induce a kind of conformity in literary manners. I don’t think we should do this.

    Some further research found a lot of critique of the MFA house style, and of the influence of the Iowa Writing Workshop style on literature. I found an interesting article from Electric Literature about the way that these workshops were run, that also linked them to fake authenticity and again raised the idea of defensiveness in writing. Another article suggested that the publishing industry has been dying not because of a lack of interest in writing among the public, but because it has slowly become a self-involved clique that values only this MFA house style, which appeals to no one except critics. If that is the case then we aspiring authors run into a problem, since we need to write in this style for agents to notice us, and then no one will read our work because it’s not actually a good way to write; in turn critics will demand more capitulation to this style, which will further alienate potential readers, which is why some people are campaigning against this style and its influence on literary fiction.

    I don’t think this debate is new, and it takes place against a backdrop of broader concerns about the death of the novel, the decline of literacy, and the influence of smartphones and tv on reading that I think are highly overrated. But to the extent that it affects me as an author, I can happily report based on a brief review of published work that short sentences appear to be a purely fashionable demand, a recent fad that I hope will pass. Some great writers have been quite pithy; others have been very voluble. There appears to be no link between sentence length and quality, and to the extent that there is a movement towards this kind of dry, prose-light style of functional writing, it does not relate in any way to the quality of writing. There is no link. Of course we should do our best to make our writing clear, precise and efficient. But we should not think that this is particularly related to the length of our sentences – it is the content, not the length, that made Le Guin or Hardy great writers. I won’t be submitting to that particular magazine any more, and I’ll be wary of anyone who puts great stock in sentence brevity as a marker of style. I also think that this insistence on short sentences may be related to the recent imposition on novel structure that they follow an established narrative framework (e.g. 3 act structure), that every scene should have “stakes” and that any scene that does not serve to move the story forward should be removed. I don’t think that’s how classical writers worked, and I think much of this advice arises from fear that modern readers can’t handle lots of words. Rather than being a response to the death of the novel, I think these rules might be helping to kill it, because nobody wants to read terse, vacant prose in repeated short sentences with unimaginative dialog tags, that strictly avoids telling you anything about the world or the story except the basic information you strictly need to know to get to the end of the story. It’s like food as fuel rather than eating as a physical pleasure. I don’t want to read books like this!

    I enjoy reading, and if an author writes well I don’t want them to skimp on their work so I can get to the end of their story as quickly as possible. Give me more! I hope this fad will past, and if this “MFA house style” has a stranglehold on literary fiction, I hope that will pass too.

  • You will regret crossing this shop keeper!

    I am currently working through a Warhammer 4th Edition Enemy Within campaign, and am finally beginning to get annoyed with the combat rules. I am playing online using Foundry, which handles all the fiddliness of success levels (ugh!) and critical rolls and the like, so it’s relatively smooth, but I imagine if I were playing this the old pen-and-paper way I would be dead with rage by now. It’s very fiddly! It’s mostly fun though, and probably better than WFRP 2, but there are some aspects of combat in particular that I would like to improve.

    Two things about combat that are really getting my blood pressure up are:

    • The ability to do a critical hit on a parry without doing damage
    • The possibility of suffering catastrophic critical wounds from a strike that did no damage

    I feel these two preposterous outcomes are linked, and I would like to fix them. I also have some more radical proposals to streamline the combat system that take advantage of the symmetric nature of challenged skill checks, along with some probably fiddly suggestions for (largely theoretical) limits on what a PC can do. Let’s start simple and work up.

    Reforming criticals with no damage

    In last week’s session my character Aliza, who was a shop keeper and is now a river recruit, got struck by a giant cat (don’t ask) for 0 wounds of damage, and then suffered a Major Chest Wound that caused 4 additional wounds, 4 stacks of bleeding, and inflicted an additional injury that will require surgery to cure and will cause all additional body blows to inflict 2 stacks of bleeding on her. This major chest wound that caused 0 wounds inflicted this major chest wound through her layered leather jerkin and mail coat.

    That’s ridiculous! In other systems if you suffer a 0 wound injury you either don’t take a critical wound or the wound is rolled with a large penalty, reflecting the simple assumption that if you suffered no bruising you probably didn’t also get your head chopped off. I don’t think that’s an unreasonable assumption!

    To implement this approach in WFRP 4 I propose a simple amendment to the critical injury rules. Every critical injury has a wound rating from 1 – 4, which is the additional damage you take when it is inflicted on you. I propose that if the damage you took from the wound itself is less than the wound rating of critical injury, you do not suffer the effects of the injury but only the additional wounds. Consider two examples:

    • Aliza is struck for 6 points of damage, but her armor and toughness absorb 5, so she only takes 1 wound. Since the opponent also inflicted a critical she rolls this and gets a 32, winded. This is a 2 wound injury that should give her a stunned condition and possibly also knock her prone. However, since 2 wounds is greater than the 1 she suffered, she ignores the effects of the critical wound, and takes only the 2 wounds.
    • Aliza is struck for 11 points of damage, which is reduced to 6 after armor and toughness. She rolls on the critical table and gets a 98, sliced tendons. Since this is a 5 wound critical, less than the 6 she took, she suffers the full impact of the critical. Aliza’s in big trouble!

    This system acts as a natural limit on the severity of criticals resulting from minor injuries. You can’t, for example, take 0 points of damage but roll “brutal dismemberment” on the critical table. You can imagine you would have been brutally dismembered if the blow had pierced your armor, but breath a sigh of relief that it didn’t. I think it’s much more reasonable and gives armor an additional benefit that makes it worth lugging around. Even the best armors in WFRP 4e don’t actually absorb much damage, but if they take the damage you suffer from 5 to 4 they’ll at least keep you alive a little longer. This also means that small increases in damage could have an additional non-incremental benefit, if they would get your attacks past the threshold needed to do more damage, and it makes piercing weapons considerably better at killing people. Now they don’t just enable you to do 1 or 2 points of extra damage, they significantly improve the chance that you’ll do a serious critical.

    Combat in WFRP 4e is lethal, and I think all players will appreciate the chance to emerge from combat against much weaker opponents without campaign-derailing injuries. This rule won’t do anything to boss battles, but it will improve the incidental fights that make campaigning fun and dangerous.

    A simple change to parry criticals

    The fact that you can do a critical on a parry, but no damage, is so stupid. You roll on your challenged parry check against your opponent’s attack, and if you get doubles you do a crit. But you don’t do damage! So you can, for example, defend your opponent’s strike and then dismember them. But do no damage.

    Why? You’re going to get an attack roll against your opponent, so why do you get this extra benefit? I assume this little rule was introduced to make defending using melee skills a bit more interesting than defending using dodge, and to penalize non-combative characters with good dodge skills, since they can avoid being hit but can’t advance the combat. While I appreciate this reasoning, it annoys me.

    As a simple alternative I propose that a successful parry that rolls doubles does damage to the attacker equal to the number rolled. So for example if you roll a 77 and succesfully defend yourself you do 7 damage to your opponent. This is absorbed by armor and toughness as usual, but it means that if you’re good and your opponent is not heavily armored they’ll suffer a bit of damage.

    This rule could be made more dangerous by adding the weapon damage to the number, recognizing that most of the time successful parries will only occur with lower rolls, where doubles will likely be 2s or 3s. In this case if you parry with a hand weapon you would do the number you rolled plus strength plus 4, so typically a number like 9 or 10 damage. This is still a lot to take from a parry!

    Another option could be to use the success level of the parry roll, plus weapon damage, so that the critical result simply indicates that you got to freely damage your opponent without doing a critical. That’s a free attack, basically! Let us consider these simple examples:

    • Aliza is defending against a great cat, which rolls a 47 (-1 SL). She rolls 22, which is +2 SL, so she defends herself against the cat, gains an advantage for a successful defense check, and does 2 damage on the cat. The cat’s armor and toughness absorb the damage, and combat proceeds
    • Aliza is defending against a great cat using her sword. It rolls a 47 (-1 SL) and she rolls 11, for +3 SL. Again she has defended herself against the cat, but now she does damage equal to her weapon damage plus the double she rolled (a 1), for a total of 9 damage. The cat’s armor and toughness takes some of that damage, but it’s in trouble.
    • Aliza is defending against a great cat using her sword. It rolls a 47 (-1 SL) and she rolls 22, for +2 SL. She has defended herself with a total of +1 SL, so she gains advantage but since she rolled a critical she also does damage as if she had struck the cat with 1SL. This is a total of 9 damage. The cat snarls and runs away!

    Regardless of whether you prefer the less or more lethal version of these rules, they have the advantage that they’re significantly simpler than the standard parry rules, since they require no reference to critical tables, and also much more realistic.

    A critical table for parries

    Another way to make parries interesting is to introduce a critical system for parries, so that when you roll a critical on a successful parry you get to experience some unique effect that isn’t necessarily a standard combat outcome. Here is an example critical table.

    RollResult
    01-10Whew! You gain 1 additional advantage from your parry
    11 – 20Sniping blow: You do 1 wound of damage on your opponent, ignoring armor and toughness
    21 – 30Reinvigorated: Your defensive acumen protected you from a serious blow. You breath a sigh of relief and regain 1 point of fortune or resolve (your choice, too bad if you haven’t used any!)
    31 – 40Press the advantage: You maneuver yourself into a superior position. Gain additional advantage equal to the success levels of your parry
    41 – 50Rallying cry: You slipped a sure death! Any of your allies who are in a position to witness your good luck gain 1 point of advantage, modified by any appropriate leadership skills you have
    51 – 60Return strike: You are able to slip in a light riposte. You do damage equal to your weapon damage plus the success level of the parry check.
    61 – 70Sly trip: While defending yourself you trip your opponent, who gains the prone condition. Gain an additional advantage.
    71 – 80Deadly engagement: Any allies of yours engaged with this enemy immediately do their weapon damage to the enemy, +1 if they are flanking it.
    81 – 90Disarm: You send the enemy’s weapon flying out of the engagement. Where did you learn that slick move? If they want to get it they will need to disengage and use their movement + action to retrieve it. Nasty! If they cannot be disarmed, they lose their next action.
    91 – 100Deadly riposte: You do your weapon damage plus the success level of this parry check +1, and also inflict a critical on your opponent. Now is your chance! Press the advantage!

    Note that these criticals offer some opportunities that do not arise in standard melee criticals, such as the opportunity to recover a fortune or to give advantage to allies. Recovering resolve or fortune during an engagement can be vital, and means that successful parries can enliven the battle.

    Symmetric combat rolls

    This is a more radical proposal for reforming combat than any of the above ideas, and I have no idea what its effects will be. Consider the battle depicted above, where for reasons I can’t explain Aliza is upside down[1]. Here Lucretia is in battle with cats 2 and 3, and Aliza is facing cat 1. In this battle in one round there will be five attack rolls, all opposed skill checks. When the cats attack Lucretia or Aliza these will be opposed melee (brawl) vs. melee (basic), and when we attack them it will be melee (basic) vs. dodge.

    Since these attack rolls are symmetric there is no reason to have two. Instead, we can reduce this to three combat rolls:

    • A contested roll between cat 3 and Lucretia
    • A contested roll between cat 2 and Lucretia
    • A contested roll between cat 1 and Aliza

    In these rolls, whoever succeeds gets to score damage and a critical on the opponent as if they had done a full combat roll. The cats defend with their melee (brawl), and dodge doesn’t come into it (we will introduce the use of dodge below). This slightly reduces the role of initiative in many fights, although spells and missile attacks will still benefit from high initiative, but it reduces the number of attack rolls and also removes all the nonsense rules for parrying. So what happens here? In this case the cats won the initiative, so they initiate the attacks, as follows:

    • Cat 3 rolls an opposed skill check against Lucretia, who wins and does damage to cat 3
    • Cat 2 rolls an opposed skill check against Lucretia, who loses and takes 0 damage because of good armor and toughness
    • Cat 1 rolls an opposed skill check against Aliza, who loses and takes 0 damage and a major chest wound (wtf)

    The damage Lucretia does to cat 3 is determined by the SL of her check, and that’s that. No dumb parry rules or extra crits, just three contested skill checks that take advantage of the symmetry of the opposed skill check system.

    Complications: The role of dodge and flanking

    Let us suppose now that in the figure above all three cats are attacking Lucretia (who is a dog person, let’s face it) and Aliza is attacking cat 1. Let us assume that cat 1 is flanking Lucretia and Aliza is flanking cat 1. Let’s establish the following rules:

    • Flanked characters cannot parry, but they can dodge
    • All fighters are allowed one parry only per round unless they are carrying a shield
    • Shields grant additional parries equal to the size of the shield: +1 for a buckler, +2 for round, +3 for tower
    • Standard outnumbering bonuses apply

    Lucretia is wearing a round shield, so in theory she can parry three times in a round (her basic parry plus the two the shield allows) but she can’t parry cat 1 because it’s flanking her, and cat 1 can’t parry Aliza because she’s flanking it. Now we have four combat rolls, as follows:

    • Cat 3 attacks Lucretia, melee (brawn) vs. melee (basic), with +20 for outnumbered, Lucretia wins this contest and does damage on the cat
    • Cat 2 attacks Lucretia, melee (brawn) vs. melee (basic), with +20 for outnumbered, Lucretia loses this and takes some damage
    • Cat 1 attacks Lucretia, but now it is melee (brawn) vs. dodge because it flanks her, and now with +40 for outnumbered and flanked. Lucretia loses this badly and takes damage
    • Aliza attacks cat 1, melee (basic) vs. dodge because the cat is flanked, at +20 for flanking, and wins, doing damage on the cat but sadly not inflicting a major chest wound

    We see here that the flanking has yielded large benefits, as has Lucretia’s shield – her dodge is terrible and if she did not have her round shield cat 2 would have been able to challenge her lower dodge skill. There are still four simple opposed skill checks to resolve the whole battle. Simple!

    Further complications: Agility limits

    Let’s add a further limit: no character can easily perform more actions than their agility bonus. We could say that this means they can’t defend more than their agility bonus in attacks, but this would actually penalize the attacker, because (by a weird flaw in the system), non-opposed skill checks in WFRP 4e have lower success limits than opposed checks[2]. Instead, let us say that for every additional action beyond the agility bonus limit, all actions in the round suffer a -10 penalty. In the above case let us suppose Lucretia has an agility of 22. Then her agility bonus is 2, but she is doing three defensive actions – so all of them are conducted at a -10 penalty.

    This rule would be particularly good when applied to characters in heavy armor with low agility. They can be outflanked and overwhelmed by large numbers of snotlings, so that (for example) they have to do three melee (basic) parry checks and three dodges, at -50 each. Finally mobs of snotlings can have their day!

    Conclusion

    I think most of these rule changes won’t be applied in my game for two simple reasons: a) my GM is a curmudgeon (aren’t they all?[3]) and b) we’re using Foundry, and Foundry doesn’t have these rules built in. I think they would be most beneficial if they were applied to pen-and-paper versions, played at the table top, where the SL calculations and crit rolls are fiddly and time-consuming. On a computer system you can do as many rolls as you like, but in tabletop play every additional roll where you have to subtract a double-digit number from a double-digit threshold twice, divide by ten and round, add the result, then roll a critical if one of those rolls was a double, then roll damage dice and add the results of the previous calculation, is an additional drag on smooth action. So if you’re playing this at the table try it, and let me know what you get!


    fn1: I could also explain the “My reflection” text, but if you know you’ll want to dance the ghost with me

    fn2: This is simple to prove. If my skill is 50 and your skill is 50, if I do an unopposed check against you my best success level will be +5 (if I roll like a 5). If I do an opposed skill check though I can roll 5 and you can roll 95, which means I get +10 SL. Weird! In fact for full consistency this system should allow the environment to do skill checks against some base difficulty!

    fn3: Except me, of course

  • I have been reading The Rise and Fall of the Galactic Empire by Chris Kempshall, in hopes of learning something new about the sprawling creative failure that is the Star Wars universe. I think it’s going to be a Did Not Finish (DNF) for me, because it’s boring and completely unenlightening, but I thought I would put a review here. The review will discuss some of the problems with the book, but I also want to take this opportunity to dwell on the tedious normality of the evil empire as it is described in this book. It’s literally just a kind of washed-out version of modern America, with almost nothing unique or intriguing or, well, sci-fi about it, which represents a massive failure of imagination, if not also political analysis. I am interested in describing this tedious similarity with our own world, and inquiring a little into what it is about the modern liberal west that makes it incapable of seeing itself.

    This review will contain no spoilers because a) the book itself contains no spoilers and b) I don’t care about spoiling Star Wars, which has been reduced to trash.

    The premise

    The book presents itself as a detailed study of the origins, structure, function and failures of the Galactic Empire by a scholar of antiquities, who was part of the rebellion and after the final peace was given unprecedented access to Imperial, Republican and rebel archives, along with direct involvement in the excavation of the Sith planet of Exegol. It is obviously intended to riff on Shirer’s Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, which I think itself riffed on Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. It maintains this fiction through the occasional insertion of the author’s voice, when he talks about his own contribution to the galactic civil war and his personal feelings about and experiences of the empire; and by use of footnotes that reference Imperial archives, interrogations of surrendered Imperial leaders, Republican reports, and other publications (all fictitious, obviously). Consistent with the style of Shirer’s Rise and Fall or any other mid 19th-century popular history, there are pictures in the center of the book, with references to the chapter they represent. You may remember those books, with their yellowing pages and the shiny dense photo paper in the center that made it hard to keep the book open to the page you wanted. Apparently the post-Imperial New Republic reverted to this style, which is good to see.

    The book is divided into sections and supposedly aims to describe the background, motivations and actions of the Emperor himself, the organization of Imperial propaganda, social systems, the legal and political structure, how the military operated, and how the Empire conducted the war. Since it has reference to all these secret documents, it is supposed to shed new light on the mysteries of the workings of the Empire, why it failed, what it was really trying to achieve, and how the people thought of it. It regularly references events from the nine movies but also the comics and anime – for example it regularly references the Spectres, who I think have an anime series, and battles like Lothal that are not part of any of the movies. I thought this meant it would give me a deeper understanding of some of the flaws and plot themes in the original series, as well as a clear sense of how all the different parts of the story linked together, a clear timeline, and additional insight into the plans and schemes of the leading figures. A kind of condensed Wookiepedia with attached Cliff’s notes, if you will. Sadly, it did none of these things. In particular, it gave me less information than Wookiepedia, or even than the movies themselves.

    The book is empty of content

    Probably the most frustrating thing about this book is that it simply does not give any new information. Did you want to know what Cassian Andor was forced to build during prison labor? It doesn’t know. Want to know how many Inquisitorus Vader commanded? It’s impossible to say. Want to know why they disappeared from the Imperial army? We can only speculate. Want to know what Vader was doing before the Death Star project began? Nobody knows. Did Mas Amedda know all along what the Emperor was doing on Exegol? Sadly after the war the interrogators failed to ask this question, so we will never know. Why did some non-human species serve the Emperor in the senate even though he was a known xenophobe and regularly did genocides? Your guess is as good as mine.

    The text above is a good example of this lack of information. It starts by failing to tell us what Cassian Andor was making or what it was used for (but gives us a reference!) then finishes by telling us we don’t know how many prisons and black sites across the Empire used prison labor. What, you didn’t count them as you liberated them? Didn’t you care?

    In many cases the book reports on events from the movies, but does so from the perspective of historical remove, so actually presents less to us than we ourselves gleaned from the movies. For example, the scene on the Death Star in Episode IV where Vader strangles admiral Motti is mentioned, but the author of this book knows nothing about it. He knows that it happened because Motti filed an incident report, but the contents of that report appear to have been accidentally deleted so we only know that something happened.

    Why did you make me fucking read that? Couldn’t you have given me some interesting insight from Motti, and a little bit of information about how Vader ran around the universe killing his own soldiers and was constantly protected? Wouldn’t it be interesting if the incident report had a chain of escalation that went all the way to the Emperor? Or not? No, we just get a hint of a rumor of something we know happened. What a waste of my time.

    This is particularly weird given that early on we are told that many of the major players in the Galactic Empire survived and thrived in the New Republic. You would think, given their boss destroyed a whole planet and regularly dispatched his underlings to do genocides, given that whole planets were laid waste by brutal extractive industries, that millions of people were imprisoned for life on prison planets for minor things like damaging a statue or graffiti, that maybe these public figures would have been rushing to write self-exculpatory memoirs and reports, falling on their knees before the interrogators to yield up all they knew about their superiors, and just generally trying to be first to put the knife into their immediate boss. You would think there would be an enormous amount of information about what these people did! But sadly, wherever we discuss anything that is actually interesting and relevant to the material we actually watched, the author cannot know, can only speculate, wonders if more information will be revealed in future, etc.

    Maybe this is cute in some other book, maybe if we were reading the first person account of an interrogator trying to find Admiral Motti it would be cynically funny that he filed an incident report on a force-choking by a body-armored witch and then that incident report disappeared. But in a supposedly academic historical report? It’s just annoying. You won’t learn anything reading this book, and you’ll be bored as hell trying.

    The writing is awful

    A large part of the reason this book will be a DNF for me is the amateurish writing. It reads like the first draft of an undergraduate essay, with overly complex but contentless sentences meandering to their point over a stumbling field of filler words. It is filled with “As mentioned previously” or “As we will see” and grating sentence structures like “With regards to X, we find that X…” It often confuses prepositions and uses passive language that winds its way to the point through bloated sentences.

    Consider the fragment above. The second sentence could say “The theft of a large amount of Imperial payroll on Aldhani triggered many of the most serious flags in this security hierarchy.” The structure “Following the event X, the event triggered …” is just awful. There are pages and pages of this stuff, entire sections that reference other sections obliquely and use long, rambling sentences to tell us nothing. The references to other parts of the book don’t even have chapter numbers, so we can’t skip ahead or refer back, and the footnotes never, ever contain any information in any other voice. It’s an incredibly tedious read.

    The political perspective is mundane

    The imagined author of this book is a scholar with a long and well-respected record, but his description of the politics and economics of the Empire is no better than a child’s. There are no references to historical perspectives (e.g. “A Twi’lek dualectic analysis would suggest that…” or “Revanchist Monarchic scholars on Coruscant have argued …”) but there are also not even any simplistic modern interpretations of the forces at work in the empire. No Marx, no Rawls, no Hayek, no deeper insight into the economics of the empire than “they sometimes took over planets to build stuff”, no deeper insight into the political forces supporting the Emperor than “lots of people liked the stability.” What were the Galaxy-wide social forces at work to support the Emperor? Where was his political base? Were there factions within the Empire that he played off against each other, bought out, or murdered? What was the political motivation of the people supporting the Rebellion? Why did the Old Republic fail to respond to any of the crises it faced? I have previously discussed the intense inequality in the Galaxy, almost entirely a product of the Old Republic’s economic system – did the Empire address this? Did people actually hate the Republic?

    Sadly we can’t learn anything about this because the book strips all political struggle down to the opinions of a few men and women, and presents the trillions of beings in the Galaxy as an impotent, unresponsive mass whose only need is to be pacified with goods. And to emphasize the lumpen nature of these trillions, it reduces the entire history of the Empire to the actions and thoughts of a handful of people.

    The strange parochialism of the Galactic Empire

    Lucas said that he originally envisioned the Rebel Alliance as the North Vietnamese army, and the Empire as the USA. According to our current records the Galactic Empire lasted 34 years, and the Galactic Civil War about 9 of those years. So imagine if you will a period of history approximately centered on the American invasion of Vietnam, stretching from about 1955 to 1985. Think of all the major figures in politics, business, media and public intellectual life who emerged in that time. It covers five presidents (Eisenhower, Nixon, Carter, Johnson, Reagan), has multiple famous generals (Patton, Westmoreland, Vo Nguyen Giap, Guevara), revolutionaries like Mao and Castro, famous actors like John Wayne, Sean Connery, Jane Fonda, bands like Led Zeppelin and the Beatles, intellectuals like Baldwin and Foucault, and political movements like the ALF and the Weather Underground. Imagine all of that, and now imagine a Galaxy with thousands or hundreds of thousands as many sentient people in it, with access to orders of magnitude more energy and vast swathes of cultural output we have no ability to even comprehend. In a thirty year period we would expect to see a lot of famous people, wouldn’t we?

    This book barely describes any. Political decisions across thirty years come down to the actions of a handful of people; a single sport is mentioned, and the names of a couple of media figures and sportspeople, in connection with perhaps one or two media conglomerates. I think it mentions less military-industrial companies than existed in Nazi Germany. It really only mentions a handful of planets, certainly no more than a dozen. Something like ten billion people died in the Galactic Civil War, but to the best of our knowledge reading this book it took place in a neighborhood about the size of the Eastern Seaboard of the USA – if it had the population of the 1860s. It is simply impossible to comprehend the scale of the conflict, the stakes, or the civilizations involved, from this work.

    It’s not like this is impossible to do, though I agree it is difficult. Banks does it admirably in his Culture books, Grossman manages to name check more people, villages, battles and generals in describing one year of world war 2 than this book does. The Altered Carbon books manage to draw a decent picture of a multi-system war and the forces involved without getting bogged down in detail. I think if you’re going to write a book that purports to be a history of a Galactic Civil War you need to at least try to make it feel Galactic.

    Part of this is of course Lucas’s fault for turning the whole thing into a family drama. But I think the author has also run aground on his inability to conceive of any political ideologies, thoughts or systems that are not grounded in modern-day America. And this, ultimately, is what interests me about this book: the tedious American-ness of the Empire.

    Sound like anyone you know?

    The American Galaxy

    Early in the book our scholar lets us in on an interesting but slightly perplexing (to him) fact: Many of the great families and industrial concerns that thrived in the Old Republic moved seamlessly into defense-industrial work for the Empire, then after it fell were welcomed without penalty or social stigma back into the New Republic. Almost as if the society barely changed during the transfer of power from Republican to Imperial to Republican, and the actions of the Emperor – while devastating for 10 billion people – had no effect on the ruling elite of the Galaxy. Kind of like how American corporations and ruling elites suffer no ill consequences from supporting one or other political side, even as the people at the bottom go through waves of poverty, war, capitalist crisis and political violence.

    We also learn – and surely are expected to be shocked! – that many journalists became effectively mouthpieces for the Empire, even traveling with the Imperial military to war zones to report on them. They were embedded with the war machine, if you will, reporting on the importance of suppressing terrrorists.

    We also learn that the Empire used sports to disseminate its political message, selecting popular sportspeople to support it and even advertising recruitment to the armed forces at events. Sometimes senior political figures were in the audience! I don’t think the author of this book is aware of it, but in 2023 the Professional Fighter’s League held a swearing-in ceremony for Air Force Reserve soldiers at one of its live events, in between fights. This was part of a four year partnership that was renewed in 2024 and to the best of my knowledge continues today. That swearing-in ceremony was held under a Democratic president, while his military was providing material support to a genocide in Gaza; in 2026 I reported on renewed efforts to use the UFC to support the proto-fascist aims of the current president, while a war of aggression is stalled in the Middle East under his “command”. I think the author thought using sporting events to advertise a political leadership was extreme behavior, possibly because he associated it with Hitler’s Olympics, and didn’t realize that both political parties in his own country routinely do far more open forms of militarist advertising at sporting events. The Empire’s propaganda appears, in this respect at least, to be timid compared to the shameless behavior of the American military.

    The author also consistently refers to the leadership meetings of the Imperial war machine as the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He surely understands that this is a direct reference to his own war machine, but I somehow doubt that Disney commissioned him to write a book that is directly satirizing the US government by comparison to the Empire. I think what is happening here is that he has scoured history and his own imagination for examples of Imperial behavior in propaganda, the rule of law, prison management, and anti-terrorism, and somehow come up with a system that is less fascist than his own country. For example, in his description of prisons he makes clear that people could be given a 10 year sentence for damaging a statue of the Emperor as a side consequence of an accident while driving drunk, and he also suggests that once people enter the prison system many are never allowed to leave. Last week, an anti-ICE activist in the USA was handed a 70 year prison sentence simply for being present at a demonstration where someone fired a gun; and prison labor is not only routine across the USA but is a widely-used source of cheap goods for libraries, universities and public institutions.

    It’s also worth noting that the death toll from the Galactic Civil War is widely estimated at about 10 billion people, in a population of perhaps 100 trillion. The Iraq war killed probably 1-2 million people, in a planet with a population of 8 billion. The Galactic Civil War was less violent across the entire galaxy than the Iraq war was on earth. It had a death rate about 1/3 that of the Vietnam war, and an order of magnitude lower than the Korean war. It was, in comparison to almost any of the major military actions that the USA has conducted since world war 2, a trivial concern. Nothing that Darth Vader and Emperor Palpatine did over the nine years of the Galactic Civil War compares to what the USA did in Iraq, Vietnam, or Korea. It probably also does not compare to the various famines induced in the British Empire during its reign.

    It’s interesting that the modern US cultural establishment is unable to conceive of itself. When they describe the propaganda used by evil people in their imagined worlds, modern American artists come up with art and media that is tame in comparison to the actual work of the society they live in. When they try to imagine atrocities they fall short of the acts of their own empire, sometimes by orders of magnitude. They construct imagined political systems that are no different in form and effect than the one they live in, presided over by people who would probably be seen as paragons of morality by modern American voters[1]. They do this partly by not talking about the actual political matters that exercise ordinary people’s attention – access to abortion, healthcare financing, public safety, child protection – and instead focusing on abstract matters of war and interstellar security, so we do not get a chance to compare life in their evil empire materially with life in our own[2]. But even when they describe the evils of their bad guys in those domains they touch on, they seem unable to grasp the full magnitude of what their own society has done. And so they construct for us monolithic evil empires that would be orders of magnitude better for most people to live in than the society that actually rules our actual world. Far better to be a non-human resident of the outer rim in Kempshall’s Galactic Empire than to be at the pointy end of US imperialism today, whether in Iran or Gaza or Syria or any of the devastated neighborhoods of 1980s inner-city America.

    I think this is both a failure of imagination and a reflection of the political priorities and sensibilities of the author. If you have written a book about the rise and fall of an Empire everyone agrees is evil, but in total what you have described is no worse than and sometimes less intrusive than the actual world you live in, and the death toll of its nine year war is lower by an order of magnitude than what your own country did in three, well … you’ve missing something haven’t you?

    So, don’t read this book. And if you want to see how bad the Empire could have been, don’t watch Star Wars – just turn on the news.


    fn1: There is no Jeffrey Epstein in the Empire, no pedophile cult surrounding elite figures, not even a hint of it. In fact, aside from the movie Strange Days such considerations remain only in the realm of vampire movies, where the bad vampires routinely behave like, well, like Tuesday on Epstein Island.

    fn2: I once created an enormous fight in my role-playing group by pointing out that the “dystopia” of Feng Shui’s world of the Architects of the Flesh was better than Tony Blair’s London. People pay 30% of their income on rent! Everyone wears the same clothes! No one can earn more than 40 times the average! Horror!

  • All class!

    Here at the Faustusnotes Academy we’re big fans of the signifiers of elite culture, mixed martial arts (MMA) in particular, which means we have to bring all our analytical tools to work on UFC Freedom 250. That’s right folks, I watched this fascist slop so you don’t have to, and I’m going to give you a review.

    This review may involve spoilers for the fight outcomes (let’s face it, who cares?) but let’s get the big two spoilers out of the way first: nobody was struck by lightning[1], and there was no false flag Israeli terror attack that could be blamed on Iran. My main interest is not in the MMA, which was good but not particularly inspiring, but in what we can learn about America’s weird sense of macho and its masculine insecurities from this very public display of its manhood, as well as a general review of its fascisty-ness.

    The format

    Since my reader(s) is less cultured than me, I will assume he/she (they?) wasted their time on low-brow stuff like concertos or reading books or something instead of watching this highpoint of modern human artistic achievement, so first of all I’ll give a general account of the format of the event. Let’s get the most preposterous sentence in the history of America out of the way first:

    UFC Freedom 250 was a mixed martial arts event that was held on the lawn of the White House under a specially-constructed metal shelter to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the foundation of the United States of America, that also just happened to be held on Trump’s 80th birthday.

    Okay, now that we’ve got that out of the way, let’s go through the format. The event was opened with a trooping of the colors by various members of the US armed forces, a rendition of the national anthem, a flyby by some of their obsolete jet fighters, a walk-out by Trump to take a seat ringside, and then a series of MMA fights. In between the fights they had brief animated descriptions of events in the history of the USA, mostly a pastiche of (likely AI-generated) images with one of the UFC announcers giving a voice over. The imagery was almost all war and mostly focused on the only two wars in history that reflect even vaguely well on the USA (the revolutionary war and world war 2, which they joined late after waiting to see which side was winning). There was also a weird animated interlude set to Ronald Reagan’s “inspiring” 1986 speech where he declared Flag Day[2].

    There were 7 fights with two title fights, which means that this was really just a typical UFC main card (UFC events typically have 5-7 prelims and 5-7 main card events). Each fighter walkout led them through the White House itself, with a camera recording their walk and soldiers saluting them as they passed through the halls of the building (this part was actually pretty cool coz the White House is a great building). When they exited the White House to the stairs they were flanked by two “American Heroes”, one a former soldier (what the American regime refer to as “veterans”) and one a “first responder”, either a cop or a fireman. These men flanked the fighter until he reached the edge of the octagon, where he would bump fists / shoulders / give a manly hug to each of them. Sometimes the fighter walked too fast and the old dudes had to scuttle to keep up, which is definitely very dignified, much respectful. Some of the fighters came out to a live performance by a US military band, which was actually really good – they may not be able to fight wars well, but the marines can certainly sing for their president.

    The fights proceeded as normal, except that perhaps the referees stopped the beatings a little quicker than usual (maybe thinking that the prime time crowd would be a little grossed out by the usual brutality, since they aren’t as sophisticated as me). They were average fights, and I’m a little concerned about the title fight – Gaetje looked gassed by round 2, obviously a bit unready, yet somehow delivered enormous damage to a much-fancied opponent. I wonder if he put on the wrong gloves? This could happen if the changing rooms were not up to the usual standard. It had a bit of a sense of America vs the world – all but one of the fights had at least one American participant – but in the end America was 2-2, which is a bit embarrassing really. Given the advertising on display here I would have thought they’d have rigged the fights a bit better. Speaking of which …

    The Trumps staying classy as ever

    The advertising

    Let me say first of all that I was disappointed that the company DudeWipes hadn’t booked out the whole Octagon to advertise its classy, masculine-focused alternative to toilet paper. I think it would look really tasteful for a 250th anniversary sporting event to be entirely advertised by wet wipes for men’s shitty arses[3]. Instead it was advertised by far more classy and sophisticated companies, primarily a mixture of crypto, sports betting , and AI scams. It was sponsored by Meta AI and Anduril – more on them below.

    Besides placing sponsorship on the cage floor itself some of these companies had adverts in the gaps between AI-driven fascist war cartoons and fights. These were adverts for highly risky financial activities revolving around dubious crypto, sports bets, and sports bets made using dubious crypto. Most of them drew on the image of America as a land of risk, the brave and the bold, rugged individualism, etc., with the obvious implication that if you cash out your 401(k) and blow it on a meme coin you can achieve the same pinnacle of manly ruggedness as Jim J Raccoon Tail from the great American West.

    Not all the adverts were entirely dedicated to this explicit representation of America as a Scam Nation. There was one about an insurance company that takes on risk so you’re free to take risks. There was a whiskey company called Buffalo Trace, which is weird because in normal english an animal’s “trace” is the shit it leaves on the ground that hunters follow, so I’ll be steering clear of that whiskey. Then there was Anduril, which is a company using AI to enhance American “war-fighting”[4], which didn’t have a video advert but did have its name painted on the octagon mat, along with its slogan: Fight Unfair.

    It’s very weird to have two men fighting in a supposedly unrigged match while they circle each other over the slogan “Fight Unfair”. At the same time as this event was happening the USA is hosting the FIFA world cup, which is very fond of plastering the phrase “Fair Play” over everything. That just goes to show how unsophisticated those football types are. Don’t you know you can name a killer robot company after a famous fantasy sword and slap the slogan “Fight Unfair” on it, and if you pay enough money men will beat each other to death over that slogan? Those amateurs over at FIFA …

    Incidentally, what do you think Tolkien would make of a killer AI company called Anduril using the slogan “Fight Unfair” to advertise their wedding-bombing software? Do you think he’d see that as a company that worked for Sauron, or not? I have a sense that he wrote a whole trilogy of fantasy novels in which a magic item played a metaphor for that kind of technology, do you think he’d approve?

    From Kempshall’s “The Rise and Fall of the Galactic Empire”

    The fascism

    It’s always a bit confusing to talk about American fascism, and the particular visual manifestation of it under Trump, because the empire is so bad at so much of it. Just for example, this celebration of 250 years of the USA took place on the day that Trump announced his empire’s capitulation to Iran[5]. Perhaps they should have announced that tomorrow, or something? Or, you know, won the war with the country that has half their population, a tiny fraction of their money, and basically no planes? But America is incapable of winning wars, though it’s very good at starting them, and very good at mythologizing them, which was what this celebration of 250 years of nationhood was really all about. When the fighters did their walkouts they weren’t accompanied by a broad cross-section of American society – scientists, nurses, baristas, artists, one of the many porn stars Trump fucked and didn’t pay, a dreamer waiting for DACA approval, a genre fiction writer, or a spam email manager – but by soldiers. The (probably AI-generated) visual stories between fights focused mostly on the wars the US won, the band was a military band, and there were multiple advertisements for military-adjacent services. At one point it was announced that Meta would be providing free spectacles to every visually-impaired US veteran, and there was also an advert for a very scammy-looking charity called Tunnels to Towers (WTF?!) that provides some sort of support to injured veterans. This featured a comically Starship Troopers-style advert in which soldiers on a fun run jogged through a crowd of Tunnels to Towers volunteers who were all wearing t-shirts that said “Honor. Duty. Country.”

    Not fascist at all.

    Did I mention the AI killer robot company named after a fantasy sword with the slogan “Fight Unfair”?

    Then of course there were the “American Heroes” who accompanied the fighters. One of each pair was a former soldier, a “vet”, which is a bit unfortunate because it means that almost all of these American Heroes was a veteran of a war the US lost, them having won only one in living memory[6]. The oldest was a 101 year old veteran of the Korean war, who shot down four planes. Four! Of course the US lost that war, despite trying to win through attempted genocide, so he probably should have shot down eight. Still, you go to the Octagon with the American Heroes you have, not the ones you want, as one American Hero once said. It’s a good idea not to google the names of any of the heroes on that walk, since if they’re a soldier they were likely involved in some kind of shady business in one of the many war crime-rich conflicts the US bungled, and if they’re a “first responder” there’s a good chance there’s a news report about an “Officer-involved shooting” with their name in it. I googled one, a cop from Palm Beach, thinking this was a very weird inclusion given Palm Beach police’s association with a certain pedophile scandal, and sure enough his name turned up in a stand-your-ground case that did not reflect well on him.

    There was also a moment where everyone was asked to stand and give applause for all the American first responders. Ironic in an event where fighters often tap out when they can’t breathe.

    In another nod to the actual mechanics of fascism, rather than to its aesthetic, the ringside was lined with the captains of industry (including the CEO of Anduril, which Tolkien would definitely have approved of!) and the fighters had to kind of push their way through to get to the ring, and the cameras sometimes focused on one of these dweebs with a little caption so you know which scam they’re running, just to make clear how the political economy of fascism is organized. It’s interesting to think that if this event had been held in 1936 rather than 2026, in a different (but maybe not that different) country, those industrialists would have been the leaders of manufacturing ventures like Volkswagen, Mercedes, Focker-Wulfe, or maybe Hugo Boss, but at this event they were all crypto-, AI- and whatever-Meta-is-this-week -type companies, a mob of scammers clustered around the ultimate scammy president (who the American fighters all had to come and talk to after the fight).

    The fact that America is just bad at the nuts and bolts of fascism doesn’t mean it isn’t trying though, and we shouldn’t make the mistake of thinking that this fascist dream world pastiche is just a pose. They really do want to do this fascist project, even if it is updated for a post-modern, consumerist world. All the machinery is there, but at the heart of it is something that I think is particularly American, that wasn’t present so much in the German and Italian originals, a truly unique American contribution to the world’s most pernicious and yet strangely persistent ideology: masculine insecurity, a kind of scared and desperate machismo that was strongly on display at this event.

    The machismo

    Now, it might appear strange to non-Americans, but a lot of people in America really seem to believe that their weird, queeny, very petty and petulant, soft, fat, lazy and cowardly president is actually a real man’s man, and they seem to genuinely think he’s a paragon of masculinity. This is a strange contradiction to people from the rest of the world, since he is the quintessential incarnation of the soft cosmopolitan who is the central hate figure of republicans and he is deeply involved in dubious networks with people like Roy Cohn, as well as being a draft dodger and a failed artist (no relation). Also he’s really not very manly and kind of camp. But American culture often confuses macho and camp, in a way that reflects on some deep and fundamental insecurities that were on display very clearly at this event if you knew where to look.

    First of all there were no women involved in this event. There were no female fights, even though a UFC event typically has 1-2. There were no female American Heroes, neither soldiers nor “first responders” (what, they can’t find one female cop who committed an admirable level of police brutality? What about Kirsti Noem?) Laura Sanko wasn’t invited to commentate, and they didn’t have the usual female roving reporter like Megan Olivi. The only women involved in this event were the ring girls, who were dressed far more modestly than usual[7] and who did not get the usual amount of camera time or name-checking[8]. So it was a sausage fest from woe to go, leavened with a bit of healthy gay action: the band played YMCA at one point, and the camera focused on a group of sailors in sailor uniforms who were dancing to the song in the crowd, one even turning his back to the crowd and wriggling his bum. Don’t these people know? Are American sailors like a kind of camply ignorant version of French people, who don’t know that their accent is considered sexy all around the world?

    Perhaps you doubt me that the UFC might seem like an environment in which to prove your macho credentials – after all, in the rest of the world men don’t need to be violent to show they’re men. Thai men in Muay Thai are the quintessential example of this, little nerdy dudes with very boring hairstyles who step into the ring and suddenly are killer demons with a 400 fight record who can’t be knocked out and love the taste of blood. But American fighters have to trash talk and American male politicians have to pose, they have to show it all off for the camera, and the camera knows it – there’s even talk in American media about how just attending this event will burnish Trump’s macho credentials at a time when they’re fading, at least partially due to his failed war-fighting (there’s that euphemism again). Even the idea that attending a fight makes you macho doesn’t work over here in Japan, where MMA and fighting crowds generally are half female, and the sport is popular and respected across a wide swathe of society, but in America this juvenile conception of manhood – my president could beat up yours! – has real currency. Indeed, one captain of industry who was notable for his absence was Musk, probably because Zuckerberg was there and Musk famously challenged the Zuck to a cage fight, even though Zuck actually trains with some serious fighters and has jujitsu fighting experience. Is there any other country in the world whose tycoons challenge each other to cage fights?

    This weird macho insecurity is, I think, at the root of its fascist resurgence, and is also connected to the pervasive daddy issues that drive its obsession with its presidential figure. They’re also connected to the strange obsession with homosexuality and sexual prowess that drives a lot of American cultural product and that also makes so much of the population vulnerable to homophobic political language based on images of purity and inviolability. These dudes are scared, but of what? The barrage of war imagery at this event perhaps drops us a clue: they’re scared of being seen to be losers, of the facade of empire and power and rugged individualism and high achievement being torn away so that they see themselves and their genocidal, slave-holding nation for what they really are. This terrified inner essence needs to be constantly appeased, with super hero movies and tales about how they won that war that the communists actually won and images of strong manliness and using their dollar power to hold every nation on earth subservient to them, and huge trucks and spandex leggings and a president who doesn’t have to prove he’s a man by actually displaying any masculine virtues but just by turning up and cheering other men while they beat each other up on top of the slogan “Fight Unfair”.

    What do you reckon Tolkien would think of that?


    fn1: If Trump had been struck dad by lightning at his 80th birthday party on national tv, I was really thinking I would have to rethink the whole atheist thing. I’m only an atheist for a lack of scientific evidence and, well…

    fn2: This speech is not inspiring. Reagan sat in his office wearing very casual clothing, reading rapidly and without emotion or affect from a piece of paper. This is probably why they cut away from the visual recording of him giving the speech to a pastiche of various images of American soldiers fighting in the various wars they have lost.

    fn3: This isn’t a far-fetched proposal, since DudeWipes had a big sponsorship role for the PFL. I guess they must have gone bankrupt over-estimating the typical American man’s concern for anal hygiene.

    fn4: This is the euphemism-du-jour for “mistakenly” bombing wedding parties or girls’ schools

    fn5: Imagine that you had to announce you lost a war on your 80th birthday. What a downer!

    fn6: I refuse to consider Grenada as a war even though technically they won, that’s like invading a suburb of a small town and claiming a military victory

    fn7: Maybe they were dressed more modestly than usual out of a sense of decorum towards the flag, but that’s not going to help – the problem with this flag isn’t the amount of flesh the bikini exposes, but the blood soaked into it that no amount of washing will leach out.

    fn8: It’s pretty normal for the cameras to focus on the ring girls at the end of each round break, filming them going back to their seats and giving cute little gestures to the camera, and usually the fight commentators say their name, and occasionally talk about aspects of their lives outside ring-girling

  • You can blame Obama for this

    On the 28th May 2026 the New Glenn rocket exploded on its landing pad, in what may have been the largest non-nuclear explosion in human history. Along with the rocket itself the explosion took out a lightning tower, the launch tower, and a bunch of associated equipment. This was the only launch pad in the Blue Origin program, so until it is rebuilt New Glenn is not going anywhere[1], and most estimates suggest it will take 12-18 months to rebuild the pad. This means that even if they can iron out whatever flaws caused this bang, the rocket program won’t be ready for certification until 2028. This project is entirely funded and directed by Jeff Bezos, billionaire owner of Amazon.

    On the 22nd May 2026 the latest iteration of the SpaceX Starship program blew up in the Indian Ocean, after failing to reach LEO. The upper stage went sub-orbital but during detachment the “reusable” booster did something dumb and exploded, and then the upper stage blew up when it touched down in the ocean. If SpaceX are to be believed[2] this landing was intended, though it seems like they though they were going to land the booster at their base. I don’t think the explosion was intended, though – it appears to have been caused by some kind of fuel mixture happening. Of course, some engines failed on liftoff as well, because apparently rocket science is hard. This project is the brainchild of Elon Musk, the world’s richest and weirdest white supremacist.

    On 1st April 2026 the NASA SLS rocket successfully launched, sending four crew around the dark side of the moon and returning them to earth without incident. This is the latest successful step in the program to return humans to the moon, which NASA aims to do in 2028. This mission apparently depends on SpaceX’s Starship (which has not yet made it to LEO) docking with the Orion module in lunar orbit and then landing on the moon.

    In order for Starship to reach the moon it needs to refuel in low earth orbit, which requires approximately 5-10 voyages of other Starships, which plug into the moon-bound vessel to transfer fuel. This means that the 2028 deadline for the first landing on the moon depends on SpaceX being able to:

    • Get Starship to low earth orbit [as yet unproven]
    • Reuse Starships that deliver fuel to the orbiting vessel [as yet unproven]
    • Refuel Starship in orbit [as yet unproven]
    • Dock with the Orion module [as yet unproven]
    • Land in a stable configuration on the moon [as yet unproven]

    It’s worth noting the two big risks here:

    1. if during refueling in orbit one of these Starships screws up and loses control or explodes, there is a risk of interfering with passing satellites, which could lead to a catastrophic spiral of destruction in LEO.
    2. If the Starship lands on the moon at even a small angle, it could tip and destroy itself, its crew and god only knows what equipment has already been landed there

    It’s also worth noting that there is a plan to land some gear and automated components on the moon before Starship arrives, and at least part of that is dependent on work at Blue Origin, whose rocket just produced the largest non-nuclear explosion in history.

    It’s all going swimmingly, isn’t it?

    The issues here are obvious: there is no way in hell that the Starship is going to be ready to refuel in orbit, to be reliably reused, or to dock with the Orion module by 2028, or indeed by 2030. After SpaceX goes public (catastrophically) this year there’s no guarantee it’ll even be able to raise money for these projects. There’s also no way that Blue Origin are going to be able to get their components onto the moon by 2028.

    This is because the only part of this entire SNAFU that is functioning even vaguely according to deadline and plan is the NASA SLS. The private rocket companies are simply producing failure after failure, and spinning increasingly ridiculous stories about what they’re able to achieve and when. And they’re not doing this any cheaper than NASA: the Starship and New Glenn projects have cost about the same amount as SLS and run for about the same length of time but all they’ve produced is vaporware (literally vaporized, in most cases). They’re going to have to spend much, much more to produce a rocket as reliable as SLS, and a lot more than that to produce one that actually achieves the stated goals of their programs.

    These private programs are also plagued by stupid design ideas that are fundamental to their failure. The Starship is supposed to be reusable, which means that a certain proportion of its launch weight is fuel to be used on landing, and so much fuel is required that it is almost unable to carry a payload. To deal with this problem Musk has proposed the incredibly stupid orbital refueling idea, and at the same time is stripping the ship of every kg of weight possible, a process that is probably distally responsible for the rocket’s explosive failures. And no one has yet come up with a solution for the problem of landing a long cylinder on the moon, which is not a flat surface. Even a minor tilt in a machine that big is going to be catastrophic, and we also don’t know how much dust it will kick up on landing and what that dust might do to the rocket. Furthermore, we have no idea yet whether its heat shields work, and heat shields are an enormously challenging problem. In order to safely deliver people to the moon within 18 months the SpaceX crew need to show they can refuel in orbit, that their heat shields work, that the rocket won’t tip on unstable lunar surfaces, and that huge clouds of super-heated lunar dust won’t damage its functionality (what happens if the elevator door jams?!).

    I have no concern at all about getting people to the Moon, or who gets there first, or even getting people to Mars. Send robots! But if we send a group of people to the Moon and they blow up on landing or worse still get stranded there and die of oxygen loss because Elon Musk is a dickhead, it will be the final nail in the coffin of the space program, and it will also have been a preventable disaster that was caused by the hubris of these billionaire losers and whatever sycophant in NASA is giving them access to this program. No one is going to support funding for further extra-orbital space projects if they show themselves to be dangerous, corrupt money-laundering programs that can’t succeed[3]. But worse still, if the orbital refueling program leads to a cascade of satellite destruction predicted by Kessler, this pointless, hubristic, corrupt program is going to set back human development by 50 years.

    All of this would be avoidable, and all this wasted money better spent elsewhere. Imagine if the 25 billion USD Bezos has sunk into New Glenn were simply confiscated by the US government and spent on vaccine development. Imagine if instead of launching satellites into LEO that damage our astronomical capacity, and instead of burning money on a pie-in-the-sky refueling program that could lead to a catastrophic loss of satellite function, Elon Musk’s money were devoted to funding artists or people who actually contribute to society? Then, NASA could continue its successful work on the SLS and actually get to the moon on time, we’d still have a functioning low earth satellite system, and there’d be a lot more art and a lot less diseases in the world.

    Instead, we have to watch these pindick losers burn money at a catastrophic rate, endanger a major scientific program, drag down the credibility of a once-great organization while meddling with its timelines, and produce some of the worst and most sycophantic public commentary we’ve ever had the displeasure of witnessing.

    Someone needs to get into NASA and tell them to cancel this nonsense!


    fn1: except, as one wag on X noted, for the bits of that exploded rocket that were thrown into LEO by the blast – they’ll orbit for a few years and are looking like the only object that any of these billionaire boondoggles are actually going to deliver to LEO

    fn2: And why would we?

    fn3: I guess you could argue this doesn’t matter because American citizens have no voice in the decisions their governments make, and you might have a point!

  • Buy this man a beer!

    [Stalin] should have gone further still. Then Hitler wouldn’t have reached the Volga.

    General Gudz, Life and Fate

    Having just finished Vassily Grossman’s The People Immortal, and angered by my criticisms of its translators, I tried to find books in English about Operation Barbarossa that were written by Soviet historians. Unfortunately I could only find books by westerners (Glantz, Beevor, Merridale, etc), many of which seem hellbent on an anti-Soviet description of this existential battle. They often seem to repeat standard stereotypes about the war, and indeed in an afterword to The People Immortal the translator Chandler even admits that he for many years believed a direct lie about Grossman (that he was denied the Stalin prize for literature on the orders of Stalin himself). These anti-communist interpretations of Soviet wartime life are quite ubiquitous and subtle, and reveal themselves even in “objective” information like basic statistics about the war. The above-linked Wikipedia article on Operation Barbarossa, for example, has very different casualty breakdowns for each side of the campaign, which make Nazi and Soviet figures non-comparable. For some reason the figure for Soviet “casualties” includes “sick or wounded due to combat and non-combat causes” and the death figure has a bracketed number for those who died of their wounds in hospital, while the Nazi figure just gives the number of casualties, with a ludicrously small separate figure for illness, and gives no details about deaths in hospital. This is a sly attempt to inflate and obfuscate Soviet casualties while minimizing Nazi casualties (no German was injured of non-combat causes? Not a single drunk German was run over by a tank or died of hypothermia in a ditch?)

    This subtle digging at Soviet efforts is part of a long-standing tradition of open derision for the Soviet war effort. It goes alongside the general principle that the Soviet response to German invasion in 1941 was incompetent and poorly managed, that the Soviet army was inferior in organization and strategy to those of democratic nations, and that its catastrophic first six months were of its own making. This is a weird story to tell, since it was the Soviet Union – not those supposedly better-organized western armies – that won the war, and the Soviet Union was facing off against a more experienced foe that had already thoroughly and comprehensively smashed the larger, technologically and industrially more advanced armies of the western democracies. It’s a little incongruous.

    Part of this story about Soviet ill-preparedness rests on the idea that Stalin purged the top generals from his army, and as a result it was in chaos and disorganization in 1941, while the western armies were not purged and were left alone to do their own thing. In fact the translator of The People Immortal mentions this in the introduction and backnotes, and it seems to be a general preamble to every description of the Soviet war effort. But is it true? In this post I aim to use a few basic statistics and facts about the various campaigns of the war, along with a brief assessment of the biographies of the Soviet generals who were purged and those who led the defense of the Union, to argue that this may not have been true, and in fact that the western democracies performed worse than the Red Army, even at its worst in 1941.

    Figure 1: Stages of the Nazi advance in Operation Barbarossa

    A brief comparison of the invasions of France and Eastern Europe

    The Nazi invasion of France and the Low Countries took 45 days, pitted 3.6 million Axis troops against 3.45 million Allied troops, and ended with the complete capitulation of France, Luxembourg and Belgium. The British Expeditionary Force of ~400,000 men was routed, and would have been captured in its entirety if not for the brave last stand of French soldiers around Dunkirk, and the desperate small boats evacuation. This invasion enabled the German Army to capture approximately 600,000 km2 of land area covering three countries, with a maximum distance from Berlin of about 900 km (Berlin to Calais). In this 45 days the German Army defeated what was then considered one of the most powerful armies in the world (the French), overcame the supposedly impregnable Maginot defensive line, and showed a remarkable and unprecedented degree of combined arms tactical skill. In that 45 days the Nazi army captured three national capitals and all the most important cities of western Europe.

    The Nazi invasion of Eastern Europe, Operation Barbarossa, pitted 3.8 million Axis troops against 2.9 million Soviet soldiers[1], and ended with the Nazi army forced to a grinding halt outside Moscow. Operation Barbarossa lasted 163 days, was launched by surprise (without a preceding “phony war”), and involved multiple massive tactical sub-battles. Although it was able to capture small countries like Estonia and Latvia, it failed to completely capture Ukraine and it also failed to destroy the Soviet arms industry, which was moved behind the Urals successfully ahead of the German army. Operation Barbarossa captured about 1.9 million km2 of land over 163 days, with a maximum distance from Berlin of about 1800 km (Berlin to Moscow). In this 163 days the Nazi army failed to capture key cities like Leningrad, Moscow, Rostov, or Stalingrad.

    These figures tell us that it took the Germans almost 4 times as long to travel twice as far[2], and to capture three times as much land area. At least at the beginning of the operation (see footnote 1) they did this against a smaller army than they had faced in the west, spread out over a longer defensive line, with less preparation, from an industrially less-developed nation. Looked at like this, it doesn’t seem like such an achievement does it?

    The statistics of World War 2 military campaigns

    Another way to examine the effectiveness of the different armies is to consider the deaths and injuries they incurred and inflicted during their victories or defeats. Using Wikipedia, I obtained approximate counts of the forces involved in five major world war 2 campaigns, and their mortality rates. I could not analyze injury rates because the easily-available data for Operation Barbarossa had very weird numbers for injuries (see above), and I didn’t analyze numbers of soldiers captured because, since the French lost, basically everyone in the western campaign was, effectively, captured[3].

    Table 1 shows the numbers of soldiers deployed by Nazi and non-Nazi forces in four separate campaigns, along with the number of deaths, the mortality rate per 100 person-years[5], and the rate ratio. Rate ratios for Nazi forces are calculated relative to the death rate of Nazis in France, and rate ratios for non-Nazis are calculated relative to the death rate of non-Nazis in France. This enables us to compare, for example, the mortality rate for Nazis in Operation Barbarossa, which lasted 163 days, against the mortality rate for Nazis in France, which last 45 days; and to compare the Red Army’s death rate in Barbarossa with the Allied forces in France.

    Table 1: Mortality rates in four different WW2 campaigns
    ForceCampaignTimeSoldiersDeathsMortality rate (/100 py)Rate ratio
    NaziFrance453,600,00027,0746.11
    Not NaziFrance453,450,00073,00017.21
    NaziBarbarossa1633,800,000185,45210.91.79
    Not NaziBarbarossa1632,900,000567,00043.82.55[4]
    NaziTorch8125,0001,35049.38.08
    Not NaziTorch8107,0001,80076.84.47
    NaziCase Blue1471,800,000350,00048.37.91
    Not NaziCase Blue1471,715,0001,200,000173.710.12
    NaziKutuzov36301,00086,454291.247.74
    Not NaziKutuzov36800,000429,890544.8331.74

    The five campaigns are listed here.

    • France: The invasion of France, from 10 May – 14 June 1940, that ended with the complete capitulation of Western Europe
    • Barbarossa: The Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, that began with the surprise attack on 22nd June 1941 and ended with the failed attack on Moscow on 5th December 1941.
    • Torch: Operation Torch, the Allied invasion of Africa from 8th – 15th November 1942, which took place at three separate landing sites in Egypt, Libya and Morocco. I wanted to use the entire Africa campaign but there are no reliable numbers. Note that Torch happened after the Nazis were well-and-truly sucked into the quagmire in Russia.
    • Case Blue: The Nazi summer offensive in the Soviet Union from 28th June – 24th November 1942, when they captured the rest of Ukraine and rushed for the Caucasus, ending with the encirclement of the German 6th Army in Stalingrad, but not including the subsequent battle of Stalingrad
    • Kutuzov: Operation Kutuzov, the Soviet counter-offensive against the German army in the north of Russia, which took place from 12th July – 18th August 1943, and began the process of destroying the Nazi abomination

    It should be noted that the destruction of France was a remarkably bloodless campaign compared to the rest of the war, and had very low mortality rates compared to later campaigns. For the Nazis the death rate was 6.1 per 100 person-years, meaning that if 100 soldiers had fought a campaign like this for a year 6 of them would have died; for the Allies the rate was nearly 3 times that, at 17.2 per 100 person-years.

    In comparison to this Operation Barbarossa was worse for both sides. Nazi soldiers died at 1.79 times the rate of Nazi soldiers in France, while Red Army soldiers died at 2.29 times the rate of their allies on the Western front. It should be noted that these rates dilute slightly if we include soldiers thrown into the meat grinder in the middle of the campaign, but since we don’t know when they joined or how many (from a trivial websearch) we can’t come up with better numbers.

    After Barbarossa, the eastern front became a real bloodbath. Nazi soldiers in Case Blue (which was, from their perspective, mostly successful) died at 7.91 times the rate of soldiers who had invaded France two years earlier, while Red Army died at 10.12 times the rate of Allies in the breezy French campaign. After this Kutuzov was brutal, with Nazis dying at some 47 times the rate of just three years earlier in the West, and Red Army soldiers dying at 32 times the rate of the Allies in the French campaign. These are insane numbers, and show how brutal the eastern front became once the initial rush stalled.

    By way of perspective, it is about 500 km from Taganrog to Stalingrad, and about 1000 km from Lwow to Taganrog. In Operation Barbarossa Nazi soldiers, dying at a rate of about 1000 a day, pushed 1000km from Lwow to Taganrog by December 1941, where they settled into warm requisitioned local homes to sit out the winter. The following summer, in Case Blue, those same soldiers died at a rate of about 2400 a day to travel half as far, to end up squatting in freezing cellars in Stalingrad while fat Goebbels parachuted them tins of spam that they had to risk death to catch. Then in 1943 when Operation Kutuzov began their compatriots further north retreated backward 240 km, dying at a rate of 2400 a day, to settle into slit trenches around Bryansk. Things were very nasty once the Soviets dug in!

    In any case, the conclusion is that Red Army and Nazi soldiers died in Operation Barbarossa at about 1.5 to 2.5 times the rate of Allied or Nazi soldiers in the French campaign, and that this higher death rate was sustained for a much longer period, over which the Nazi army did not capture land, distance or strategic objectives at the same rate they had done on the Western front.

    Essentially the Soviet army, less well-prepared than the French, attacked by surprise, with less soldiers spread over a wider front, inflicted greater losses on the Nazis than the Allies had done, over a much longer period, and gave up about a half to a third as much area as they would have done if they had fought as badly as the Allies had. Even though they faced many obstacles against a better-armed and more experienced enemy, they out-performed the French and the English in defending against and slowing the Nazi juggernaut. This occurred at a greater loss of lives, but that loss was not significantly different to the losses they inflicted on the Nazis. It should be noted that the greater loss of life inflicted on the Red Army also partially reflects the brutality of the Nazis, who fire-bombed the city of Gomel, had the infamous Commissar order, and treated Soviet prisoners of war with previously unheard-of brutality.

    In the face of all this the Red Army did okay! There’s certainly no reason to expect that the surrender monkeys of 1939 Western Europe, who retreated 900 km in a big hurry and also lost every contact with the Nazis, could have done any better in the much more difficult conditions of the east. And the Red Army held its own in these circumstances despite the fact that their entire leadership had been reorganized by the purges. So let’s look at the purges.

    The Purged and the Elevated

    There are a surprising number of generals in an army, and I couldn’t be bothered with a full survey, but I grabbed a list of the most senior five generals who were purged in the 1935-38 frenzy, and compared them with the top five generals listed as leaders for Operation Barbarossa, which I show in Table 2

    Table 2: Characteristics of purged and unpurged generals
    NameAge in 1939WW1 serviceCivil war serviceFrunze
    Purged
    Tukhachevsky46YesYesNo
    Yakir43NoYesNo
    Uborevich43NoYesNo
    Blyukher50YesYesNo
    Primakov42NoYesNo
    Unpurged
    Zhukov43YesYesYes
    Shaposhnikov57YesNoDirector
    Vasilevsky44YesYesTeacher?
    Voroshilov58NoYesNo
    Timoshenko44YesYesNo

    There isn’t really any noticeable difference between the generals who were purged and those who were not except that maybe the unpurged were a little older, and they had a close connection to the Frunze Military Academy. This Academy was established in 1918 and was named after Mikhail Frunze. Graduates of the Frunze academy earned a total of 244 Hero of the Soviet Union medals during world war 2, and its students were spread throughout the army. Although two of the five unpurged generals listed in Table 2 had no connection to Frunze, it should be noted that Voroshilov, who is credited with orchestrating the purge of Soviet generals, was the guy who directed the removal of Soviet war industries behind the Urals, recognizing that the biggest threat to Soviet survival would be their capture by a belligerent invader from the west (who could he have been thinking of!?) If he had not done that, we’d all be speaking German now! He also lost his job for a while because of failures in the winter war, but was not purged.

    Maybe – just maybe – if the generals who were not purged had been in charge in 1941, the Red Army’s response to Nazi surprise attack would have been worse, uninformed by the elite education offered to the newly-elevated generals by the Frunze academy, and dominated by civil war doctrine that was no longer relevant in the era of combined arms warfare. This possibility is best illustrated by the great man whose image is at the top of this post, Vasily Chuikov. Chuikov was born in 1900 to a peasant family and left school at 12. He became a Bolshevik at 17 and attended the Frunze academy in 1921, where he learnt to read and write and also learnt Mandarin. He was later posted to China, where he spent a year traveling and learning the language before working as military attache. In September 1942 he was given responsibility for the defense of the city of Stalingrad itself, and in his book The Battle for Stalingrad he describes the development of the new doctrine of urban combat that had to be applied in the specific circumstances of close urban warfare with no retreat. After the victory at Stalingrad he fought all the way to Berlin, where he accepted the surrender of German generals. He received the Hero of the Soviet Union award twice, and is buried at the Mamayev Kurgan in Volgograd (which was then Stalingrad), so that he could be at rest alongside the men who died fighting for the city.

    Chuikov is a classic new Soviet man, the kind of soldier, scholar and activist who could not exist in any other time and place. He was also the ideal kind of soldier to be fighting an existential war against an exterminationist ideology that cannot be reasoned with or placated. No French or English or American general could possibly understand Vasily Chuikov, his mission, the circumstances in which he grew up and fought, the decisions he had to make or the pressures he and his nation faced. Men like Chuikov are the reason that Western Europeans are still able to speak their own languages and the reason that any Jewish people survived the European conflagration. Men like Chuikov were elevated to positions of command because Stalin trusted them, because they were trained by the pre-eminent military academy, and because places became available when other generals were purged. Sure, maybe Tukhachevsky didn’t need to be sent to prison, maybe Yakir could have just got a nice retirement package, but it was imperative for human history that by 1942 people like Chuikov were able to take charge.

    Conclusion

    I don’t think it’s necessarily the case that the purges affected Red Army morale or effectiveness negatively, or indeed at all. I don’t think the western armies could have performed better, and indeed the only evidence we have is that they performed worse, giving up land faster and refusing to make difficult decisions to preserve the independence of their own nations. I think if the Red Army had been led by the men who capitulated in western Europe the Russian people would have been exterminated to the last man and woman by 1950. I don’t know if the purges were essential for the replacement of the Soviet Union’s top military leadership with people who were more flexible and better-trained soldiers, but I think it’s possible that some kind of reshuffle was necessary to allow the ascension of a new cadre of soldiers who were equal to the monumental task they were about to face. I certainly do not see any evidence in either the actual performance of these armies, or the statistics from the war, to support the idea that the Red Army performed worse than the western armies, or that its performance was necessarily affected by the purges.

    I think we should be very careful about interpreting the history of 1933-1945 through the lens of modern liberalism, and we should read the opinions of non-Soviet historians of the war with extreme care, since almost all of them are staunchly anti-communist. Millions of Soviet men and women died to preserve their freedom and to save western Europe from itself, and we should honor and respect their sacrifice by attempting to look at the war through their eyes, and understanding it from their perspective. And that means, ultimately, that we have to consider the possibility that the leadership they chose, and the leaders they fought for, and the tactics they followed, were the best for the time.

    And most of all we should always recognize that they saved us from an ideology we created and unleashed on them, at enormous cost to themselves, their society and their nation. We should not think that our armies would have done any better, or that our ways of organizing our political institutions and militaries are superior to the methods that actually won the war while we watched.


    fn1: It’s difficult to judge the exact number involved, because over 163 days of campaign a lot of additional soldiers were thrown into the battle, plus of course there were partisans and militias and auxiliaries involved on both sides. There is a map on Reddit that suggests 5 million Soviet soldiers over the whole course of the battle, and the Wikipedia numbers are very weird. I’m not going to go to a library for a blog post, so this will have to be approximate.

    fn2: They started from the Ribbentropp line, which perhaps practically means they had to travel 1300 km, but this isn’t a great improvement – it took them 4 times as long to travel 1.5 times further.

    fn3: I think the capture rates are better on the eastern front though: approximately 3 million soldiers out of 5 million, maybe; vs. 3.2 million out of 3.5 million in the French campaign.

    fn4: If we assume 5 million soldiers over the campaign, these numebrs change to a mortality rate of 25.4 per 100 person-years for the Red Army, which is a relative risk of death of 1.48 times that of the Allies in the invasion of France – lower than the relative risk the Nazis faced in the east!

    fn5: Deaths per 100 person-years are a standard epidemiological method for comparing exposures of differing length. Basically it uses the number of soldiers in the field multiplied by the length of the campaign, rather than just the number of soldiers. If we had individual data we could calculate person-years from each person’s deployment history, which would be particularly valuable in Barbarossa since we could count 2.1 million Soviet soldiers being thrown into the fray later in the campaign, each contributing 50-80 days of time in the campaign (rather than the full 163 days). Also if we had individual exposure records we could account for the fact that most deaths in the Eastern front happened in the first month, while a great many of the deaths in France happened near the end (so many Soviet soldiers only fought for a few person-days before dying). We don’t have this data, but we can at least account for the length of the campaign.

  • Grossman’s articles were republished countless times – in a variety of military newspapers, in booklets published all over the Soviet Union, and sometimes in Pravda. The Years of War – a large volume, first published in 1945, that includes a revised version of The People Immortal, Grossman’s long article about Treblinka, two short stories and twenty-one of his Red Star articles – was translated into a number of languages including English, French, Dutch and German. As a separate volume, The People Immortal was published in Danish, Welsh[4] and most of the languages of Soviet-occupied Europe.

    This is a writer whose popularity at the time of his writing was almost universal. In the same way that Fox News gives an outside observer the best and purest possible insight into the ideology and character of MAGA, so Grossman’s works offer us as readers in the 21st century a rare opportunity to actually understand the ideology and character of the men and women who were saving the West from itself[5]. And the insights it provides to us are of millions of men and women who selflessly committed to defend their nation, their families, their ideology and humanity itself from an ideology so sick and disgusting that its victory threatened to exterminate the human soul[6].

    You can see, perhaps, that given his commitment to communism as the ultimate expression of humanity, his trenchant opposition to Nazism, the complete absence of any western or liberal frame of reference in his writing, and the way he directly speaks for the beliefs of millions of history’s most bravest and truest fighters, any modern edition of Grossman’s work is going to present a direct challenge to the supremacy of the post-Soviet liberal worldview. So what, then, should publishers of his work do? To make it palatable to the elites of our degenerating societies they need to intervene to build a fog of uncertainty and denialism around it, to try and suggest that Grossman was not a committed communist, that he was actually constantly in friction with the institutions he defended so proudly in his published work, and that perhaps he had secret, other thoughts more compatible with the warlike modern liberal ideology of nihilistic destruction. You might even try to imply liberal sensibilities, as if he were a person out of time and place, forced by the violence of the war to defend a system that he secretly believed was just as bad. Let’s look at how his translators and memorialists try to do this in The People Immortal.

    The situation when Grossman wrote The People Immortal

    The noisy interpreters of Grossman’s legacy

    An important point to note about The People Immortal is that it was written in two months, May and June of 1942, when the editor of Red Star gave Grossman leave to return to his hometown to write down everything he had experienced. It was then serialized in Red Star from July 1942. The version that Soviet riflemen and air defense women read was written in just two months, while the Red Army was still desperately defending itself and still retreating across a vast swathe of the nation, and although Grossman himself had witnessed the defense of Moscow in late 1941 and may have been confident that the Soviet Union would ultimately win the war, for many of the ordinary soldiers at the front a very different story was unfolding. By the time the first chapter of The People Immortal emerged in Red Star in July the Nazis had renewed their offensive in the south, and soldiers of the Bryansk, Southwest and Southern Armies (under Cherevicenko, Timoshenko and Malinovsky) had been retreating constantly for a year in the face of a seemingly invincible fascist war machine. Many of them had repeatedly escaped encirclements at Kiev, Nikolayev, and Kharkov, had seen their comrades fall in battle, and knew without doubt that the Nazis were unleashing an exterminationist campaign on the friends and family members they had left behind. By the time he wrote The People Immortal it is likely that Grossman’s own mother had been executed in the mass killings in Berdichev. Grossman was not writing this book for serialization in an army newspaper as an act of artistic achievement, but as propaganda to inspire the troops and workers he loved to renew their efforts to destroy the most depraved and sadistic force that humanity had ever unleashed. It is natural that in this context he wrote quickly, passionately, and with divided purpose. Of course his artistic skill is visible in the work, because Grossman could write easily and well and it was precisely the easy power of his writing that had led his commander to give him time off to write this book; but at the same time, he was also using this opportunity to write a text that would explain to soldiers why they had to fight, inspire them to self-sacrifice, and present to his readers the pre-eminent rightness and inevitable victory of communism. The fact that he deliberately wrote in this way does not, however, mean that he saw his work as mere hackery, or that he did not believe these things. It does mean, however, that he was writing in a style he might not choose to use in peacetime, for a purpose that does not exist in peacetime[7]. Let us remember that.

    The 2021 Edition of The People Immortal, however, is not the Red Star serialized version. Rather, it is based on a post-war reissue of the book as a novel, a project that occurred after the events of the war were over and when Grossman had time to reflect on both the war, his own writing practice, and his relationship to communism. By the time the book was reissued the Soviet people had a different view on the war, there were different political and artistic sensibilities, and Grossman was a more developed, more capable writer with hundreds of pages of work behind him and four years of war burdening his soul. There is no reason to think that when he worked with an editor on his book in 1945 he would have preserved what he wrote in 1942. But since all his drafts are hand-written, any changes he made were recorded for translators and memorialists to see and read. So the editors of the 2021 Edition have made the decision to reinsert deleted text into the 1945 edition, along with footnotes about what sections they reinserted and why they think these sections were omitted. For example, consider this section of text where Maria Timofeyevna, a 70 year old woman living in a small village recently captured by the Germans, describes her own death[8]:

    One of the soldiers said a few quiet words in a genial voice; the others laughed. And once again, with her now almost clairvoyant insight, Maria Timofeyevna understod what was being said. They were merely joking about the good food that had unexpectedly come their way. And she shuddered, suddenly realizing these men’s absolute lack of interest in her. They were in no way concerned, moved or disturbed by the plight of a seventy-year-old woman preparing to meet her death. All that mattered to them was that they were hungry and thirsty – and behind her they could see bread, salt pork, towels and linen. The old woman did not arouse hatred in them, since she was no danger to them. She could just as well have been a cat, or a calf. She was just a useless old woman who chanced to be occupying Lebensraum of vital importance to them.

    Nothing on earth can be more terrible that such total indifference to a human being. This impending murder was engendered not by hatred or martial passion but from the bookkeeping obsssions of German economists and industrialists. No murder in the world can be viler than these statistical murders, these conscientiously planned annihilations. As the Germans advanced, they recorded their lines of march on maps and noted in their diaries how much honey they had eaten. They wrote about the rains, about bathing in rivers, about moonlit nights and conversations with comrades. Very few wrote even a word about the murders in all the countless villages with difficult and quickly forgotten names. That was something entirely normal and of no particular interest.

    This is not the original text of the 1945 edition. The editors give a footnote, in which they write:

    The two sentences from “This impending murder” to “annihilations” are present in the manuscript but were omitted from all the published versions. Grossman’s editors may have felt uncomfortable with some of his more thoughtful passages, perhaps uncertain whether or not they were in accord with the Party line.

    So, they have added text that Grossman never intended to appear in the published versions, and have stated that this may have been an editorial intervention or something to do with the Party line. Why? Maybe he just reviewed these sentences and decided he didn’t like them? The passage flows a little more clearly without them, simply describing the attitude of the Germans (“As the Germans advanced …” describes their lack of interest in their own murders, which the first sentence of the paragraph introduces). It is certainly not the case that Grossman’s editors were “uncomfortable with some of his more thoughtful passages”, because even a cursory inspection of the published work will show that they allowed many more thoughtful passages than this to remain in the text. And what is the evidence that this description would not match the Party line? There is no note from the censor, no mention of an order, nothing. But by hinting at this, the editors get to imply, in a roundabout way, that the Party might have been uncomfortable with a negative description of “statistical murders”. This is, of course, consistent with the modern liberal belief that the Communist Party of 1945 or 1937 was “just as bad” as the Nazis.

    There are many such interventions in this edition of the work, which serve to create a constant underlying narrative of intercession, censorship and self-censorship. I’m about 79 footnotes in and I’m yet to see a single discussion of these changes that says either “Additional text was omitted by Grossman and we have decided to follow his lead,” or “This was left out for creative reasons by Grossman, but we have decided to include it to better maintain the meaning for modern readers.” Of course they can’t write this kind of footnote, because in the first case we don’t care, and in the second case the translators would be implying they had superior artistic judgment to the writer.

    When the translators choose to reinsert text that Grossman crossed out they are, essentially, presenting themselves as equals to the writer in this project. This is frankly ridiculous, because Grossman is a towering genius, and to the best of my knowledge it goes against all basic principles of ethical translation. If these guys want to write a better war novel than Grossman they should attach themselves to a modern military unit, collect notes, and do the work[9]. Otherwise they should present the text as it was intended by its author, and leave this duplicitous editorializing out of it.

    The problem with leaving the editorializing out of works like this, though, is that to present Grossman’s novels as they were written and as they were intended, to allow him his own voice, is to grant unimpeded the right of the millions of soldiers who fought and died against fascism to speak to us, the residents of the modern genocide states. While Israel is slaughtering Lebanese journalists and the USA is murdering Iranian schoolchildren, these millions of Soviet soldiers are being granted the opportunity to communicate directly to us, to warn us about the path we are traveling down, and to remind us of the terrible cost that comes to bloodthirsty nations when the righteous strike back. It speaks to the modern reader about where the real spirit of humanity lies, what the real purpose of war should be, and who it was who saved the West from itself the last time it went through one of its semi-regular paroxysms of demonic bloodlust.

    Better, then, to insert a thread of sinister suspicion, to constantly suggest that this tender voice of resistance comes to us after struggling against an invisible censor, that the bravery and sacrifice of those lost millions happened despite the heavy-handed Soviet state, not because of it. “You’re lucky to be reading this at all,” they want to constantly remind us, “because the bad guys tried to stop it.” They want to hint to you – without any real evidence – that the Soviet Union disapproved of Grossman’s message, that only his courage and popularity enabled him to speak out, and that his lucid, powerful work on the threat that Fascism posed is only his voice, not the voice of the Soviet state or Stalin or the millions of war dead. What luck that this man was able to wriggle out from under the censor and speak across the decades to us, whose state would never engage in such repressive censorship!

    To this end they have besmirched the work of the great man, returning chunks of text he chose to omit without any systematic or convincing reasoning, blaming every omission and editorial decision on censorship or self-censorship rather than creative rethinking or changed perspective. I believe they do a terrible injustice to Grossman, elevate their own arrogance, and turn what should be a timeless meditation on one of humanity’s most crucial moments into a tawdry piece of post-Soviet liberal propaganda.

    They’re noisy, intercessionist busy-bodies, censors and propagandists to match anything Grossman faced. Whether they intend it or not they are meddling with the voice of a generation of lost fighters, the brave ordinary peasants and workers of the Soviet Union who gave their health, their wealth and often their lives to save the world from the most disgusting, repulsive ideology humans have ever imagined. From a cultural and literary perspective their intervention is arrogant and ill-mannered; from a political perspective it’s cheap propagandizing; and from a moral perspective it is a disgraceful insult to people whose sacrifices and memory should be cherished by all the people’s of the world.

    But such is modern liberalism. Bereft of creative energy or morality, all it can do is cover up its own crimes, and try to convince humanity to look away while it commits yet more. If we don’t stop what is happening in the West, we will slide once more down the blood-slicked slope that led Europe to its exterminationist nadir. We will do it all again, and this time we won’t have the luxury of saying we weren’t warned. Because people like Grossman gave millions of lost voices the opportunity to speak across the generations to us and warn us about the gory swamp at the bottom of this slope we are sliding down, but people like the translators of this edition of his book did their best to insert a wheedling “Well, akshually …” under those voices.

    They betray them, and ultimately they betray us.


    fn1: I haven’t read George RR Martin’s works, and I probably never will, but I have heard he also kind of does this, and I wonder if part of the popularity of Game of Thrones arises from the fact that it is written in this style, a kind of fantasy War and Peace. I quite like this style of writing, though it can sometimes seem contrived and I certainly appreciate why some people wouldn’t. I feel Grossman’s version is less intense than Pasternak’s or Tolstoy’s, but it’s still sometimes a little unfamiliar or uncomfortable.

    fn2: And what a tour de force those last pages are. My god.

    fn3: There is even a section very early in Life and Fate where a Soviet prisoner of the Germans declares that Stalin did not go far enough in his purges, and suggests that if the party had “turned the screws” tighter in the 1930s, they would not be in a Nazi camp. Near the end of the book we see a more desperate version of this same communist commitment, when a major character demands to know how Stalin could have got the beginning of the war so wrong.

    fn4: Unlike Lenin!

    fn5: Now of course the cycle begins to repeat, except now it is the IRGC and Hamas attempting to save the West from itself, and I wonder if in future they too will be traduced in the way the Soviet Union is now, assuming they are victorious.

    fn6: I do not exaggerate here: this is how Grossman himself described the stakes of the conflict. If you feel this is an unreasonable description of fascism, take it up with Grossman, or with god.

    fn7: I feel it is easy to forget this when you’re sitting on your sofa on a Sunday morning reading these books, especially the books he wrote after the war. Yes, these books still hold the fervor of the beliefs I have described above, but they are also works of moral and political philosophy, explorations of the human soul, and attempts to present Grossman’s particular view about Marxism, party politics, and his conflicted identity as a Jew in a changing Soviet system. It’s easy in this context to forget why he wrote, and to underestimate the depth and strength of his commitment to the Communist project. For this reason I recommend reading Grossman’s books alongside Chuikov’s Battle for Stalingrad (available at the internet archive), the Black Book of Polish Jewry, and Grossman’s essay The Hell of Treblinka, to get a proper understanding of the context in which Grossman wrote. These were desperate, desperate times, and the fate of hundreds of millions hung in the balance.

    fn8: Maria dies a few paragraphs after this section. The Nazi commander has taken the father of the village Commissar prisoner, and is now looking for his son, a 7 year old boy called Lionya who has run away into the forests. When he asks where the boy is, Maria – a 70 year old woman – replies “Are you at war with children too, you swine?” and raises her hand to strike him. The chapter finishes with the soldiers stepping over her body, chattering about the food and linen they are looting from her house. This is the indifference the quoted passage is leading up to.

    fn9: Of course they can’t do this because the highly censorious Soviet Union in the midst of a fight for its very survival was more permissive with war journalists than any modern military from any of the liberal democracies.

    I have begun reading Vasily Grossman’s The People Immortal, his story of an encircled Soviet army formation written in the summer of 1942. Although it was his first novel from the war, I have only come to it after reading Stalingrad (originally published as For a Just Cause in 1952) and Life and Fate, which is one of the most incredible books it is possible to read. While Stalingrad and Life and Fate describe the events surrounding the fulcrum of the war – the lead up to and aftermath of the battle of Stalingrad – The People Immortal is set earlier, in the opening months of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, when the Red Army was retreating rapidly through Ukraine and Belorussia, with the loss of vast amounts of equipment and millions of men, who were encircled, captured and then shipped off to certain destruction in barbaric concentration camps. It is a shorter, sharper, less contemplative novel than Grossman’s two widely-recognized masterpieces, but it is still a powerful and insightful novel, and I strongly recommend reading Grossman to anyone who wants to appreciate how the written world can convey the fundamental nature of humanity.

    I do not aim here to write a review of Grossman’s books, which in any case I don’t think I can do justice to. Life and Fate, in particular, is an astounding work of art, which is best appreciated by grappling directly with it. These books aren’t always easy, because they are long, they aren’t written for us in the 21st century, and books written in and about the Soviet Union need a lot of supportive explication, but they are worth it. Like many Russian novels, they have that particular style of omniscient narrator who describes everyone’s inner thoughts and feelings, which makes them relatively easy to read, but they also have many characters and many conflicting perspectives, which can make them exhausting and drawn-out[1]. At times they also don’t seem to have a plot that is going anywhere, especially in the convoluted experiences of Viktor Shtrum, and it’s weird for example how only the last few pages of the book Stalingrad actually bring us to the battle of Stalingrad[2]. There are also some harrowing passages, and the certain knowledge (since we know how it all ends) that a lot of the people we’re reading about are going to die. But they are absolutely some of the most amazing literature you will ever encounter, and I strongly encourage you to read them.

    So here my purpose is not to review the books themselves, but to review the translators and explicators of the 2021 edition of The People Immortal, because I feel they have done the book and Grossman himself an injustice, and here I want to explain how and why I think the grubby politics of the modern liberal West have intervened in the marginalia of this book to try and undermine the pure and powerful message that Grossman aims to convey. I will begin by describing a little about the almost spiritual strength of Grossman’s communist beliefs, and then talk a little about the efforts I believe the translators have made to undermine and belittle the force of his ideology.

    Grossman’s spiritual communism

    When I say that Vassily Grossman’s communism is almost spiritual I don’t mean it in that trite, silly way that libertarians dismiss Marxism or left-wing ideals as ‘like a religion’. Rather, I mean that he saw the battle between communism and Nazism, and the ultimate, world-historical victory of communism, which he assumed would happen, in almost spiritual terms. Throughout Stalingrad and Life and Fate he talks about fascism and Nazism as anti-human forces, not merely as an affront to his political beliefs or simply as a threat to the system of politics and government that he supports, or even “just” as a threat to the existence of his nation and people. Rather, he sees this political movement as an assault against, and a dire threat to, the very essence of what it means to be human. He see these ideologies as fundamentally anti-human and deeply evil, and in both of those books he repeatedly describes the battle against them in apocalyptic terms. Of course he references their stated goal to destroy Bolshevism and exterminate the 150 million people who lived in this system, of course he describes their political and military goals in clear materialist terms, but more importantly he describes the possibility of victory by these forces as a direct threat to the continued existence of humanity. He directly references the victory of these forces as extinguishing the human soul, and sees the Red Army’s fight as not just a political, ideological or national fight, but also a battle for the light of humanity itself.

    In addition to this Grossman is obviously a deeply committed communist, and this commitment is repeatedly, viscerally obvious in his work. For example, there are many passages in The People Immortal where he compares the activities of soldiers during a battle with the work of ordinary people in factories and farms, characterizing the Soviet soldier as a laborer and drawing a clear connection between the work of battle and the work of the factory or farm. He consistently links both of these forms of labor to the pre-eminence of workers and peasants within the Soviet political system. He also describes workers of all kinds with a sensitive, realistic, and noble tone – although he might recognize that a peasant from the plains beyond Kazan cannot read or write, he does not condescend to or insult that peasant in any way. There is no contempt in his writing when he describes the ordinary people of the Soviet Union or the work they do, their weaknesses and foibles and selfish ordinary traits. This lack of contempt is clear and easy to understand when we contrast it with the scorn he heaps on those kulaks who slide out of the shadows in Ukraine to welcome the Nazis, or his occasional descriptions of the Nazis themselves. He is a writer of and for the people, a committed and ideological communist who put the best years of his life and his incredible talent to work in defense of humanity against evil, and in support of the communist project he loved[3].

    He was also an incredibly popular writer, in a way that is hard to believe in the modern era. Every single one of his reports in the army newspaper, Red Star, was greeted by the soldiers of the Red Army with the kind of eager fervor we might now associate only with a new Harry Potter novel. Consider this description of his popularity from the introduction to the 2021 edition of The People Immortal:

    The People Immortal – the first Soviet novel about the war – was serialized in Red Star in July and August, to general acclaim. Grossman went on to cover all the main battles of the war, from the defense of Moscow to the fall of Berlin, and his articles were valued by ordinary soldiers and generals alike. Groups of front-line soldiers would gather to listen while one of them read aloud from a single copy of Red Star; the writer Viktor Nekrasov, who fought at Stalingrad as a young man, remembers how “the papers with [Grossman’s] and Ehrenburg’s articles were read and re-read by us until they were in tatters.”

    Grossman’s articles were republished countless times – in a variety of military newspapers, in booklets published all over the Soviet Union, and sometimes in Pravda. The Years of War – a large volume, first published in 1945, that includes a revised version of The People Immortal, Grossman’s long article about Treblinka, two short stories and twenty-one of his Red Star articles – was translated into a number of languages including English, French, Dutch and German. As a separate volume, The People Immortal was published in Danish, Welsh[4] and most of the languages of Soviet-occupied Europe.

    This is a writer whose popularity at the time of his writing was almost universal. In the same way that Fox News gives an outside observer the best and purest possible insight into the ideology and character of MAGA, so Grossman’s works offer us as readers in the 21st century a rare opportunity to actually understand the ideology and character of the men and women who were saving the West from itself[5]. And the insights it provides to us are of millions of men and women who selflessly committed to defend their nation, their families, their ideology and humanity itself from an ideology so sick and disgusting that its victory threatened to exterminate the human soul[6].

    You can see, perhaps, that given his commitment to communism as the ultimate expression of humanity, his trenchant opposition to Nazism, the complete absence of any western or liberal frame of reference in his writing, and the way he directly speaks for the beliefs of millions of history’s most bravest and truest fighters, any modern edition of Grossman’s work is going to present a direct challenge to the supremacy of the post-Soviet liberal worldview. So what, then, should publishers of his work do? To make it palatable to the elites of our degenerating societies they need to intervene to build a fog of uncertainty and denialism around it, to try and suggest that Grossman was not a committed communist, that he was actually constantly in friction with the institutions he defended so proudly in his published work, and that perhaps he had secret, other thoughts more compatible with the warlike modern liberal ideology of nihilistic destruction. You might even try to imply liberal sensibilities, as if he were a person out of time and place, forced by the violence of the war to defend a system that he secretly believed was just as bad. Let’s look at how his translators and memorialists try to do this in The People Immortal.

    The situation when Grossman wrote The People Immortal

    The noisy interpreters of Grossman’s legacy

    An important point to note about The People Immortal is that it was written in two months, May and June of 1942, when the editor of Red Star gave Grossman leave to return to his hometown to write down everything he had experienced. It was then serialized in Red Star from July 1942. The version that Soviet riflemen and air defense women read was written in just two months, while the Red Army was still desperately defending itself and still retreating across a vast swathe of the nation, and although Grossman himself had witnessed the defense of Moscow in late 1941 and may have been confident that the Soviet Union would ultimately win the war, for many of the ordinary soldiers at the front a very different story was unfolding. By the time the first chapter of The People Immortal emerged in Red Star in July the Nazis had renewed their offensive in the south, and soldiers of the Bryansk, Southwest and Southern Armies (under Cherevicenko, Timoshenko and Malinovsky) had been retreating constantly for a year in the face of a seemingly invincible fascist war machine. Many of them had repeatedly escaped encirclements at Kiev, Nikolayev, and Kharkov, had seen their comrades fall in battle, and knew without doubt that the Nazis were unleashing an exterminationist campaign on the friends and family members they had left behind. By the time he wrote The People Immortal it is likely that Grossman’s own mother had been executed in the mass killings in Berdichev. Grossman was not writing this book for serialization in an army newspaper as an act of artistic achievement, but as propaganda to inspire the troops and workers he loved to renew their efforts to destroy the most depraved and sadistic force that humanity had ever unleashed. It is natural that in this context he wrote quickly, passionately, and with divided purpose. Of course his artistic skill is visible in the work, because Grossman could write easily and well and it was precisely the easy power of his writing that had led his commander to give him time off to write this book; but at the same time, he was also using this opportunity to write a text that would explain to soldiers why they had to fight, inspire them to self-sacrifice, and present to his readers the pre-eminent rightness and inevitable victory of communism. The fact that he deliberately wrote in this way does not, however, mean that he saw his work as mere hackery, or that he did not believe these things. It does mean, however, that he was writing in a style he might not choose to use in peacetime, for a purpose that does not exist in peacetime[7]. Let us remember that.

    The 2021 Edition of The People Immortal, however, is not the Red Star serialized version. Rather, it is based on a post-war reissue of the book as a novel, a project that occurred after the events of the war were over and when Grossman had time to reflect on both the war, his own writing practice, and his relationship to communism. By the time the book was reissued the Soviet people had a different view on the war, there were different political and artistic sensibilities, and Grossman was a more developed, more capable writer with hundreds of pages of work behind him and four years of war burdening his soul. There is no reason to think that when he worked with an editor on his book in 1945 he would have preserved what he wrote in 1942. But since all his drafts are hand-written, any changes he made were recorded for translators and memorialists to see and read. So the editors of the 2021 Edition have made the decision to reinsert deleted text into the 1945 edition, along with footnotes about what sections they reinserted and why they think these sections were omitted. For example, consider this section of text where Maria Timofeyevna, a 70 year old woman living in a small village recently captured by the Germans, describes her own death[8]:

    One of the soldiers said a few quiet words in a genial voice; the others laughed. And once again, with her now almost clairvoyant insight, Maria Timofeyevna understod what was being said. They were merely joking about the good food that had unexpectedly come their way. And she shuddered, suddenly realizing these men’s absolute lack of interest in her. They were in no way concerned, moved or disturbed by the plight of a seventy-year-old woman preparing to meet her death. All that mattered to them was that they were hungry and thirsty – and behind her they could see bread, salt pork, towels and linen. The old woman did not arouse hatred in them, since she was no danger to them. She could just as well have been a cat, or a calf. She was just a useless old woman who chanced to be occupying Lebensraum of vital importance to them.

    Nothing on earth can be more terrible that such total indifference to a human being. This impending murder was engendered not by hatred or martial passion but from the bookkeeping obsssions of German economists and industrialists. No murder in the world can be viler than these statistical murders, these conscientiously planned annihilations. As the Germans advanced, they recorded their lines of march on maps and noted in their diaries how much honey they had eaten. They wrote about the rains, about bathing in rivers, about moonlit nights and conversations with comrades. Very few wrote even a word about the murders in all the countless villages with difficult and quickly forgotten names. That was something entirely normal and of no particular interest.

    This is not the original text of the 1945 edition. The editors give a footnote, in which they write:

    The two sentences from “This impending murder” to “annihilations” are present in the manuscript but were omitted from all the published versions. Grossman’s editors may have felt uncomfortable with some of his more thoughtful passages, perhaps uncertain whether or not they were in accord with the Party line.

    So, they have added text that Grossman never intended to appear in the published versions, and have stated that this may have been an editorial intervention or something to do with the Party line. Why? Maybe he just reviewed these sentences and decided he didn’t like them? The passage flows a little more clearly without them, simply describing the attitude of the Germans (“As the Germans advanced …” describes their lack of interest in their own murders, which the first sentence of the paragraph introduces). It is certainly not the case that Grossman’s editors were “uncomfortable with some of his more thoughtful passages”, because even a cursory inspection of the published work will show that they allowed many more thoughtful passages than this to remain in the text. And what is the evidence that this description would not match the Party line? There is no note from the censor, no mention of an order, nothing. But by hinting at this, the editors get to imply, in a roundabout way, that the Party might have been uncomfortable with a negative description of “statistical murders”. This is, of course, consistent with the modern liberal belief that the Communist Party of 1945 or 1937 was “just as bad” as the Nazis.

    There are many such interventions in this edition of the work, which serve to create a constant underlying narrative of intercession, censorship and self-censorship. I’m about 79 footnotes in and I’m yet to see a single discussion of these changes that says either “Additional text was omitted by Grossman and we have decided to follow his lead,” or “This was left out for creative reasons by Grossman, but we have decided to include it to better maintain the meaning for modern readers.” Of course they can’t write this kind of footnote, because in the first case we don’t care, and in the second case the translators would be implying they had superior artistic judgment to the writer.

    When the translators choose to reinsert text that Grossman crossed out they are, essentially, presenting themselves as equals to the writer in this project. This is frankly ridiculous, because Grossman is a towering genius, and to the best of my knowledge it goes against all basic principles of ethical translation. If these guys want to write a better war novel than Grossman they should attach themselves to a modern military unit, collect notes, and do the work[9]. Otherwise they should present the text as it was intended by its author, and leave this duplicitous editorializing out of it.

    The problem with leaving the editorializing out of works like this, though, is that to present Grossman’s novels as they were written and as they were intended, to allow him his own voice, is to grant unimpeded the right of the millions of soldiers who fought and died against fascism to speak to us, the residents of the modern genocide states. While Israel is slaughtering Lebanese journalists and the USA is murdering Iranian schoolchildren, these millions of Soviet soldiers are being granted the opportunity to communicate directly to us, to warn us about the path we are traveling down, and to remind us of the terrible cost that comes to bloodthirsty nations when the righteous strike back. It speaks to the modern reader about where the real spirit of humanity lies, what the real purpose of war should be, and who it was who saved the West from itself the last time it went through one of its semi-regular paroxysms of demonic bloodlust.

    Better, then, to insert a thread of sinister suspicion, to constantly suggest that this tender voice of resistance comes to us after struggling against an invisible censor, that the bravery and sacrifice of those lost millions happened despite the heavy-handed Soviet state, not because of it. “You’re lucky to be reading this at all,” they want to constantly remind us, “because the bad guys tried to stop it.” They want to hint to you – without any real evidence – that the Soviet Union disapproved of Grossman’s message, that only his courage and popularity enabled him to speak out, and that his lucid, powerful work on the threat that Fascism posed is only his voice, not the voice of the Soviet state or Stalin or the millions of war dead. What luck that this man was able to wriggle out from under the censor and speak across the decades to us, whose state would never engage in such repressive censorship!

    To this end they have besmirched the work of the great man, returning chunks of text he chose to omit without any systematic or convincing reasoning, blaming every omission and editorial decision on censorship or self-censorship rather than creative rethinking or changed perspective. I believe they do a terrible injustice to Grossman, elevate their own arrogance, and turn what should be a timeless meditation on one of humanity’s most crucial moments into a tawdry piece of post-Soviet liberal propaganda.

    They’re noisy, intercessionist busy-bodies, censors and propagandists to match anything Grossman faced. Whether they intend it or not they are meddling with the voice of a generation of lost fighters, the brave ordinary peasants and workers of the Soviet Union who gave their health, their wealth and often their lives to save the world from the most disgusting, repulsive ideology humans have ever imagined. From a cultural and literary perspective their intervention is arrogant and ill-mannered; from a political perspective it’s cheap propagandizing; and from a moral perspective it is a disgraceful insult to people whose sacrifices and memory should be cherished by all the people’s of the world.

    But such is modern liberalism. Bereft of creative energy or morality, all it can do is cover up its own crimes, and try to convince humanity to look away while it commits yet more. If we don’t stop what is happening in the West, we will slide once more down the blood-slicked slope that led Europe to its exterminationist nadir. We will do it all again, and this time we won’t have the luxury of saying we weren’t warned. Because people like Grossman gave millions of lost voices the opportunity to speak across the generations to us and warn us about the gory swamp at the bottom of this slope we are sliding down, but people like the translators of this edition of his book did their best to insert a wheedling “Well, akshually …” under those voices.

    They betray them, and ultimately they betray us.


    fn1: I haven’t read George RR Martin’s works, and I probably never will, but I have heard he also kind of does this, and I wonder if part of the popularity of Game of Thrones arises from the fact that it is written in this style, a kind of fantasy War and Peace. I quite like this style of writing, though it can sometimes seem contrived and I certainly appreciate why some people wouldn’t. I feel Grossman’s version is less intense than Pasternak’s or Tolstoy’s, but it’s still sometimes a little unfamiliar or uncomfortable.

    fn2: And what a tour de force those last pages are. My god.

    fn3: There is even a section very early in Life and Fate where a Soviet prisoner of the Germans declares that Stalin did not go far enough in his purges, and suggests that if the party had “turned the screws” tighter in the 1930s, they would not be in a Nazi camp. Near the end of the book we see a more desperate version of this same communist commitment, when a major character demands to know how Stalin could have got the beginning of the war so wrong.

    fn4: Unlike Lenin!

    fn5: Now of course the cycle begins to repeat, except now it is the IRGC and Hamas attempting to save the West from itself, and I wonder if in future they too will be traduced in the way the Soviet Union is now, assuming they are victorious.

    fn6: I do not exaggerate here: this is how Grossman himself described the stakes of the conflict. If you feel this is an unreasonable description of fascism, take it up with Grossman, or with god.

    fn7: I feel it is easy to forget this when you’re sitting on your sofa on a Sunday morning reading these books, especially the books he wrote after the war. Yes, these books still hold the fervor of the beliefs I have described above, but they are also works of moral and political philosophy, explorations of the human soul, and attempts to present Grossman’s particular view about Marxism, party politics, and his conflicted identity as a Jew in a changing Soviet system. It’s easy in this context to forget why he wrote, and to underestimate the depth and strength of his commitment to the Communist project. For this reason I recommend reading Grossman’s books alongside Chuikov’s Battle for Stalingrad (available at the internet archive), the Black Book of Polish Jewry, and Grossman’s essay The Hell of Treblinka, to get a proper understanding of the context in which Grossman wrote. These were desperate, desperate times, and the fate of hundreds of millions hung in the balance.

    fn8: Maria dies a few paragraphs after this section. The Nazi commander has taken the father of the village Commissar prisoner, and is now looking for his son, a 7 year old boy called Lionya who has run away into the forests. When he asks where the boy is, Maria – a 70 year old woman – replies “Are you at war with children too, you swine?” and raises her hand to strike him. The chapter finishes with the soldiers stepping over her body, chattering about the food and linen they are looting from her house. This is the indifference the quoted passage is leading up to.

    fn9: Of course they can’t do this because the highly censorious Soviet Union in the midst of a fight for its very survival was more permissive with war journalists than any modern military from any of the liberal democracies.