
To a young woman or a “gender critical” activist the current wave of anti-transgender panic may seem like a new and original trend in gender politics. It might feel like a once-in-a-lifetime crisis (or opportunity, depending on the side of this “debate” you’ve picked), something which perhaps if you weather it you will never have to see again. A “gender critical” activist might think that if they can be successful this one time, push this tiny minority out of public life just this once, they will be done with the “problem” forever, and can rest on their laurels[1]. Maybe the arguments seem novel and fresh, maybe the idea of “protecting” women’s spaces seems like a unique and important development in radical politics, and maybe some of the “gender critical” activists are feeling a flush of pride as the views they believe are feminist are welcomed into the mainstream. Their views on equal pay for women, or rape culture, or the Third Shift, have never entered mainstream consciousness at any point in their career as activists, and maybe this seems like a world-historical opportunity to leverage their bigotry against a vulnerable minority into major gains for other feminist issues. Like the New Atheists salivating after 9/11 at the opportunity to convert anti-muslim bigotry into real respectability for their historically unpopular beliefs, maybe some “gender critical” activists see this as a unique opportunity to change the world.
To those of us aged over 50 who were active in radical politics in our 20s, however, there is nothing new happening here. For women over 70 who were active in feminism in their 20s, this is their third spin on this particularly clanky carousel. All the debates about protecting women’s spaces played out in the exact same way, wreaked the exact same damage, and set back feminist progress in the same direction, in the 1990s; and those debates were just a stale rehash of the arguments between transgender women and “radical” feminists in the 1970s. Back in the 1990s the same brand of aggressively bigoted anti-transgender activists thought they could use this tiny, extremely vulnerable community as a stepping stone to push their other political ideas into the mainstream, and they failed then as they are failing now. I remember back in the 1990s the older women in radical spaces complained about these debates, saying they thought the issue had been settled in the 1970s and remembering how the arguments about transgender women tore women’s movements and women’s spaces apart. They begged younger activists not to relitigate this damaging bullshit, and warned about the consequences. So the world turns, and the same thing happens again.
But why? Why do we have to go through these arguments every couple of decades? Is it some natural cycle, like El Nino? Or is something driving it? Let’s look at the history of these previous turns in the barrel, and ask ourselves what is the common thread tying them together.

Lesbian separatism and transgender women in the 1970s
Let us first consider briefly the surge in anti-transgender activism in the 1970s. That era of third wave feminism overlapped with the peace movement and an explosion of alternative lifestyles, and alongside the feminist movement there was a growth of “intentional communities”, groups of people setting up living environments outside the mainstream and based on alternative principles of managing social life. Some of these were lesbian or feminist separatist communes, constructing new ways of living in the absence of men and, they hoped, patriarchal ways of social organization. Naturally transgender women asked to be admitted to these communities, and in so doing emerged from the shadows of society where they had long been driven. In response there was a wave of new anti-transgender activism, even amongst these radical activists, which questioned their womanhood and attempted to drive them out of these spaces. There was a lot of pressure to confine their identity to the gay liberation movement, and to treat them as deviants or just a weird offshoot of homosexuality. But many lesbian and feminist separatists saw transgender women as their sisters, stood in solidarity with them, and these communities were divided by the debates that followed. The nascent alternative feminism that was building at this time was damaged – possibly torn apart – by these debates, and once its momentum had been broken, they faded away.
Women’s spaces and transgender women in the 1990s
In the 1990s feminist movements were building protective institutions for women, especially women’s spaces within larger institutions like universities, and independently run domestic violence shelters and rape crisis centers. These spaces were made possible by the maturity of the movement and the relatively low property prices in places like Sydney or London, and partially also grew out of the squatting and punk movements of the 1980s, which had built a solid base of experience in seizing and using urban property. Setting up an independent, community-run women’s shelter at this time required only a small number of devoted contributors and active workers, since rent was low and prices were cheap and volunteer labor was plentiful. Of course, transgender women are also (and especially) victims of domestic abuse and violence, and naturally wanted to use these shelters as well. Debates on whether to accept them into these shelters and women’s spaces tore this movement apart, and many of these institutions were forced to close. In the aftermath of a vicious couple of years of debate all that was left was government-run community centers and shelters. Respite centers, rape crisis centers and domestic violence shelters were de-politicized and forced into a public health and safety framework, rather than an expressly political response to men’s violence.
Toilets, sport and the “gender critical” movement of the 2020s
With transgender women driven out of radical alternative communities – or those communities destroyed by their unwillingness to do so – and domestic violence shelters depoliticized, this “debate” appeared again to be over. But in the modern world people have become more accepting, gay men have become more visible, the world is more open and the internet makes it much easier for people to discover their identity and their community. It is natural, then that transgender women became more accepted, more visible, and more public in their demands for acceptance. With this rise in their visibility we see a new campaign against them, now to drive them out of all the public spaces that remain available to their most basic and daily needs. We see new movements to push them out of using public toilets, to force them into men’s jails where they can be raped and assaulted, and to prevent them from participating in women’s sport or even women’s social activities. Suddenly, as if out of nowhere, the final push to drive them entirely out of public life begins, supported increasingly by governments and rich novelists who cannot be named.
What is the coincidence driving these period upsurges of violence and bigotry towards this tiny, insignficant minority, and why is it that each time the movement is larger and more public and more visible than the time before? Is there a common thread? I think that there is, and both the timing and magnitude of the problem can be blamed on two overlapping phenomena in mainstream society: the need for the ruling class to discipline and co-opt feminism, and the three waves of rising fascism and authoritarianism in western “liberal” society. Let’s look at each in turn and see where they lead us.
Disciplining and co-opting feminism
The feminist movement of the 1960s and 1970s arose at a time of great social crisis for the ruling class in the west, overlapping as it did with the defeat of colonialism in a wide swathe of the world, the defeat of US imperialism in Vietnam, and the civil rights movement. There were many active strands of feminism, including a strong Marxist and black liberationist strand, and themes within feminist movements that linked them with the anti-colonial and national liberationist movements of what was then known as the “third world”. There was also a clear connection between feminist radicalism and the Soviet Union, a direct threat to western capitalism. But at the same time feminism offered capitalism a key innovation, as it also argued for the unlocking of female labor and talent, which could be drawn out of its unproductive role in the home and put to work in the factories and offices of the economy, just as it looked like capitalism was running out of value to extract from its workers. Mobilizing this new labor force without threatening the social privileges of men would require that certain more radical strands of feminism – particularly those that advocated for the unpaid domestic labor of women, and for their solidarity with the unpaid labor and unjust extraction from colonial economies – be pacified. Alternative economic and social arrangements being trialed in feminist communities needed to be undermined, at the same time as the state cracked down on radical movements through police violence and capital strikes. It is no coincidence that the anti-transgender movement emerged within feminism at this time, creating intense conflicts that tore apart separatist and genuinely radical movements. The main survivors of this upheaval were liberal feminism – which succeeded in mobilizing women’s labor out of the domestic sphere – and “radical” feminism, which is fundamentally conservative and anti-woman.
The resurgence of anti-transgender movements within feminism in the 1990s came against the backdrop of a new self-confidence in the capitalist ruling class. We were at “the end of history”, the Soviet Union had collapsed, and liberal capitalism seemed like the only ideology that had survived the tumult of the post-war era. But it was still very easy for women to build their own spaces, and there was a renewed movement to liberate women from the demands of patriarchal life. Alternative sexualities were becoming accepted, young women were demanding sexual freedom, and feminist movements were building protective spaces for women that were independent of the state and capital. At this time in Australia, for example, it was very easy for a woman to simply walk out of an abusive domestic relationship, sign on for the dole, and find safety in a volunteer-run women’s shelter that had no government influence or control. She would not have to provide any evidence that she was looking for work or had paid into a national insurance program of any kind in order to secure her own income, and even a small portion of that fortnightly dole payment would be sufficient to support the expenses of the shelter where she hid. There were also, thanks to the gains won by liberal feminism in the past two decades, relatively few barriers to her finding work independent of her husband or her marital status, and in many jurisdictions it was also becoming increasingly safe and easy for women with no qualifications and skills to take up sex work, with all the liberatory implications that its higher salaries offered to women who would, in previous generations, have been doomed to dependence on men. Although it offered no genuine liberation from the shackles of capitalism, this new feminist vitality did offer women relatively wide freedom from the demands of patriarchal society. It had to be contained!
Which brings us to the 2020s, and a new era of women’s freedom. All manner of sexualities are now accepted, the requirement for young women to marry and have children on a certain time frame has essentially been eliminated, and women are now well represented in every area of the workforce. They’re even in space, in leadership positions, and doing genocides and war crimes. But at the same time there is no alternative to late-stage capitalism on offer, and the patriarchal mainstream is increasingly recognizing that women’s liberation may be here to stay. With this comes insecurity and a final burst of reaction, as insecure men realize they may have to actually step up and offer women something other than financial security and domination. With this realization comes bad behavior, and with the solidification of women’s independence comes the final step: the recognition they don’t have to put up with men at all if men won’t treat them equally. The manosphere is the natural response to this, and in response to the manosphere young women, too have started going their own way. In response to women’s resistance the patriarchy is in panic, recognizing that if you can’t force women to have babies you may have to actually ask them. Putting aside the fundamental internal contradictions that are tearing it apart, in order to deal with the declining birth rate capitalism faces the prospect of either widespread rights for immigrants, or finding a way to force womens’ hard-won rights to bodily autonomy back into the past. But rights for immigrants will ultimately and inevitably lead to the uplifting of those nations on the imperial periphery that are essential to the maintenance of capitalist wealth, and that cannot be allowed. So women’s newfound comfort in their own independence needs to be confronted and defeated. And lo! What do we see on the horizon? A new anti-transgender movement that sets feminists against each other, and attempts to force young women to pick sides, to harass each other in public spaces and to be suspicious of a fictitious fifth column that endangers women from within.

The resurgence of fascism and the collapse of public space
Western liberal democracies have been through three periods of authoritarian upsurge since the second world war. The first, in the 1970s, was a desperate fight against the anti-war and civil rights movements, and to prevent the anti-colonial rebellions on the periphery from infecting the core. The second, in the 1990s, was a vicious attempt to drive a stake through the heart of the remaining radical movements and to wind back the concessions that capitalists had been forced to give workers while the Soviet Union threatened an alternative. The third began with the global war on terrorism (GWoT) and continues to this day. It’s not a coincidence that each of these periods of intensified authoritarianism has coincided with a revival of anti-transgender politics, so let’s look at each period in turn and its connection with the global backlash against feminism.
The authoritarianism of the 1970s was essential to the survival of the capitalist project. Its wars on the imperial periphery had either failed (in North Korea) or were failing (in Vietnam) and two hundred years of colonial acquisition were unraveling. The ruling class was desperate to prevent that spirit of rebellion from rebounding back to the imperial core, where it had also been fighting a decades-long anti-war and civil rights movement, and facing an explosion of alternative and radical ideas. Desperate times called for desperate measures, so in the 1960s Cointelpro was active against domestic left wing and black rights activists, ran campaigns against native American movements, and perpetrated atrocities like the Kent State massacre. In Australia the brief gains of the Whitlam government were overthrown when it was sacked by the Governor General, universal healthcare was repealed and police violence intensified against anti-apartheid and aboriginal movements. In the UK, Europe and Japan there were intense police actions against peace protestors, and in the UK there was military intervention in Northern Ireland. The capitalist forces of reaction faced off against a broad-based coalition of civil rights, marxist, feminist, gay rights, Indigenous and environmentalist organizations that directly understood the importance of solidarity and broad mass movements. They had to be divided, and considerable effort was put into driving wedges between them. A common strategy for undermining these movements was to establish competing organizations that would work to take the radicalism out of existing movements. This process of co-option is well described in Sakai’s Settlers, and led to conflicts within, for example, the American Indian Movement as well as the establishment of feminist organizations by well-known CIA collaborators like Gloria Steinem. The state had been involved in the support of certain intellectuals and artists in the 1960s, many of whom became major cultural figures in the following two decades, and it is within this context that anti-transgender politics tore apart feminist separatist spaces in the 1970s. In the aftermath, pro-Israel radical feminists like Andrea Dworkin, and liberal accommodationists like Steinem, survived and thrived, and alternative visions for women’s freedom collapsed.
The upsurge of authoritarianism in the 1990s followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and was more a triumphalist spasm of state violence than a desperate rearguard action. By this time the state had offered western workers many concessions, including universal health coverage, out-of-work support, free education and environmental protections, and in the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse a turn to conservatism in the western world and an atmosphere of capitalist victory led states to begin reversing these gains. They also faced a vibrant anti-state movement, especially animal rights, gay rights and anti-war movements that the ruling class hoped to finally destroy. These movements benefited in many countries from economic conditions and state welfare programs that were conducive to creative and political self-expression, which made it very easy for activists to support themselves in full-time political movements without needing to work for the capitalist system. The state wanted to undo these gains and force these activists back to work where the architecture of capitalism could police them. Police violence was widespread at this time, and state infiltration of radical movements was extensive. The overlap between this fascist tendency and misogyny is nowhere more clear than in the behavior of British spycops, who infiltrated UK radical groups ostensibly to prevent terrorism but took great pleasure in having sex with radical women, against their own policies, almost as a form of hate-fucking or trophy-taking[2]. Another strong example of this overlap between police state and committed misogyny is the strange tale of Jimmy Savile, Britain’s most prolific child rapist, who was deeply entangled with the royal family, the BBC, and the same police forces that were involved in violence against striking miners at Orgrave and Liverpool fans at Hillsborough. This authoritarian upswing was accompanied by a broad sweep of right-wing governments across the western world, and a rightward swing among social democratic governments that saw the unraveling of many of the welfare state gains that had made women’s freedom possible. It is no surprise that against this backdrop renewed assaults were made on the independent organizations that enabled women to escape domestic violence and coercive control, and that in this new conservative environment it was easy for new anti-transgender voices to infiltrate these movements.

The most recent authoritarian turn, beginning in the aftermath of 9/11, coincides with the final death throes of the empire and is not going to end until the empire collapses. It is the most culturally overt, the most obviously fascist, among the three, and is associated with an upsurge in colonial violence and genocide. In this current reign of terror we see intrusive security policies, draconian anti-terror laws, the abolition of longstanding basic rights (like the right to silence in the UK), and direct state violence on our streets. At the same time our client states openly parade their genocidal behavior on Tik Tok and the news, and even social democratic governments try to tell us on national tv that the evidence of our own eyes cannot be believed. Meanwhile the planet burns and they do nothing, and crack down viciously on anyone who protests against our coming doom. A noticeable difference between the recent era and the past crackdowns is that there are no coherent nationwide or international movements that need to be contained or destroyed, and this time the government is just attacking us because they can. Opposition is organic, nihilistic, atomized and easily distracted or diverted. At the same time the government faces a new and potentially very destabilizing challenge in the form of the uncontrolled communication and solidarity offered by the internet, which they have fought viciously for two decades. First they attacked it with anti-piracy laws, then with secondary crackdowns like FESTA-SOSTA, and simultaneously with the enshittification of applications and services we had previously used to communicate with each other (like Facebook) and the generation of increasing amounts of bot-driven slop that prevents us from trusting anything we see. The intrusion of the state into cultural life has also been more overt and direct. The military provides equipment and “advice” to movie makers in exchange for favorable coverage, the CIA runs training camps for directors and writers to ensure they represent its voice, and the military industrial complex is increasingly involved in everyday cultural activity. Soldiers are sworn into service live in the breaks between fights in PFL coverage, there are air force flybys over sporting events, and the UFC will hold an event at the White House while the Pentagon wages war on Iran and Gaza. The intrusion of our imperial military into our daily cultural life is so blatant that previous fascist governments would have been embarrassed by the amateurism of their propaganda in comparison. During this period of increasingly overt fascism our self-image itself has been changed, and the hyper-masculine has become the culturally dominant form for men. This is backed up by the overtly racist and fascist misogyny of the manosphere and the clear, open rule of multiple countries by rapists and paedophiles. The final, ultimate expression of this is the Epstein network, of course, which encompasses almost every major political and cultural figure in America and many in Britain from the past 20 years. Even the world’s most famous anti-transgender fantasy author and the world’s most famous anti-imperialist linguist seem to have been caught in his web, though of course it is impossible to prove anything in the era of AI slop and open disinformation, where governments lie to our face about facts we have seen clearly with our own eyes. Is it any wonder that in an era characterized by government by rapists and sex offenders, when the military is openly involved in every aspect of cultural expression, and muscular machismo is the norm, there should be a resurgence of aggressive action against that tiny minority of men who do not conform?
At the same time that this has been happening, our economic situation has worsened and our public spaces have been destroyed. The population is much larger than in the 1970s but the number of elite educational institutions has not changed, and neither has the number of foootball teams or elite sporting competitions in western nations. While RFK Jr.[3] got into Harvard simply by writing a short letter telling the admisssions committee that he wanted to be a Harvard man like his daddy, modern applicants have to get perfect SATs, publish a journal article in high school, do six extra-curriculars and write a two-page sob story about their identity. British people now are identifiably poorer than they were in 2010, when austerity was unleashed on the UK, and Australia has transformed from a nation of cheap, delicious food and easy property to a super high cost of living nation where nobody under 40 can afford the rent. Our media environment has been devastated so that there is no trustworthy or independent public or private broadcaster, independent media has been destroyed, the internet is ostensibly free but practically completely broken, and in the USA and the UK they’re rolling back environmental protections and workers’ rights as fast as they can, while the world burns. Objectively, in this environment there are less public toilets, less sports scholarships for American youth, greater competition for every sporting medal or achievement award, greater competition for every job, and more precarity for every working person. It’s no surprise that against this backdrop people are able to easily drum up panics about transgender people taking precious toilet spaces, or “men” competing in women’s sports and potentially taking medals, scholarships or precious places at elite institutions. It’s also no surprise that the most recent anti-transgender actions focus on these basic public services – changing rooms, toilets, hospital wards and prisons – after everything else has been stripped away and the only places left to harass transgender women are the basic sites of public service we all take for granted.
Conclusion: What to do
These moments of transgender exclusion coincide with and arise from resurgences of authoritarianism, and take place against a backdrop of narrowing rights to free expression, state violence against dissent, and collapsing public services. Having stripped away independent visions of community in the 1970s and independent models of public service provision for women in the 1990s, the state is now focusing on driving transgender women out of the remaining areas of public life where they should reasonably be able to be seen. These two phenomena arise together because they are connected, because attacks on people who do not conform with gender norms are a core part of fascism, and co-opting and dividing feminist movements has been the primary tool the state has used to undermine them and prevent them from making truly radical gains. Despite these regular backlashes against feminism, women have made huge gains in reproductive rights, representation, bodily autonomy and labor rights, and modern young women are more supportive of gay and transgender rights than any generation before them. At the same time the capitalist system faces a crisis of reproduction, and faces the dilemma of expanding rights and access to migrants from the imperial periphery or forcing back the gains women have made in the past 50 years, gains which have been core to unlocking their talent and keeping the system functioning. This necessitates a new and aggressive backlash against women’s rights that takes place against a backdrop of 20 years of war and growing authoritarianism, ripe soil to grow both a movement of revanchist men and a wedge strategy based on attacking anyone who does not conform to strict, hyper-masculine and fascist gender norms.
So what should we do? First and foremost we should recognize this current anti-transgender panic for what it is: a fascist beat up. We should just leave these women alone. Don’t rise to this stupid bait, which has been put out there to divide feminist movements. Remember that transgender women aren’t even the real targets of this panic (though its proponents may enjoy watching them suffer). The real target is those young women who have decided they don’t want to play the patriarchy’s game, and are refusing to provide the unpaid domestic and reproductive labor that is essential to the capitalist project. These women are acting individually against this pressure, but their strike will have real social power if it connects to a political or feminist movement. This anti-transgender activism aims to ensure that these young women don’t see feminist movements as representing them, and prevent the engagement of this movement with these women. Their strike will remain personal, individual and nihilistic, and will fizzle out, buying the capitalist system a little more time. Don’t fall for the division that our ruling class wants to sow.
Another important thing to understand is that this panic is intended to distract us from the state of the collapsing social services all around us. While we’re focusing on that transgender or gender non-conforming woman who might be taking up a bathroom cubicle, we aren’t campaigning for more, better and cleaner cubicles. There are Iranian schoolgirls to be bombed, and we have to pay for it – which we won’t do if we are campaigning for expanded sports facilities, more football pitches, more funding for more universities and a return to free education and scholarships. They can’t convince us that the money isn’t there for those services while they’re simultaneously burning billions on blowing up schools in the Middle East[4], so they need to keep us distracted, make us stare at each other suspiciously in our crumbling sports halls and hospital wards while we wonder if the person who is taking up a bed or a medal or a scholarship genuinely “deserves” it. Everyone deserves these public services! And we can afford to make this ideal real, if we focus on building public services and opposing fascism rather than policing the boundaries of who can be allowed in.
This is the end of the empire. It’s not going to get better, not until the empire collapses and a new multi-polar world rises from the ruins – and even then, the societies that grow from those ruins are not guaranteed to be good societies unless we guide their reconstruction, especially in this era of environmental collapse. The empire is going to crash and burn regardless of our actions, but that doesn’t mean we have to help it kick its most vulnerable people on the way down. So don’t listen to their divisive whispers, and remember that they aim to divide us and separate us, to keep us from enacting in public the compassion and empathy that is fundamental to our beings. Don’t let them divide us, and don’t fall for this fascist panic.
fn1: For many of the “gender critical” activists there will be no rest, because they’re next in the crosshairs.
fn2: In a sad coda to this phenomenon, one of this movement’s most famous victims, Helen Steel of the McLibel trial, is now a strong supporter of “gender critical” feminists, out of fear of men infiltrating women’s spaces disguised as women. You would have that fear, wouldn’t you, if you had her experience with men?
fn3: a classic representation of gender-affirming medicalization in his own right!
fn4: The cost of the refueling jets that enabled the bombing of the Shajareh Tayyebeh school, was sufficient to fund a health service for sex workers and at risk youth for a year. The death of those girls in Iran was a political priority, that they need to keep us distracted from focusing on








